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比特派app官网版|ethnic minorties

比特派app官网版|ethnic minorties

  • 作者: 比特派app官网版
  • 2024-03-14 21:15:02

ETHNIC MINORITY | English meaning - Cambridge Dictionary

ETHNIC MINORITY | English meaning - Cambridge Dictionary

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Meaning of ethnic minority in English

ethnic minoritynoun [ C ] uk

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/ˌeθ.nɪk maɪˈnɒr.ɪ.ti/ us

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/ˌeθ.nɪk maɪˈnɑːr.ə.t̬i/

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a particular ethnic group (= a group of people with a shared culture, tradition, language, history, etc.) living in a country where most people are from a different ethnic group: Only two of the committee are women and only one is from an ethnic minority. Ethnic minorities make up around 14 per cent of the overall population.

More examplesFewer examplesLife for ethnic minorities in Britain 50 years ago could be very tough.A judge ruled that Irish travellers are an ethnic minority and deserve the protection of equalities law. The refugees are now living in a region where they are an ethnic minority.A disproportionate number of ethnic minority children are excluded from school.The company accepted there were too few ethnic minority staff among its senior management.

(Definition of ethnic minority from the Cambridge Advanced Learner's Dictionary & Thesaurus © Cambridge University Press)

What is the pronunciation of ethnic minority?

 

C1

Translations of ethnic minority

in Chinese (Traditional)

少數民族…

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in Chinese (Simplified)

少数民族…

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in Spanish

minoría étnica, minoría étnica [feminine]…

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in Portuguese

minoria étnica, minoria étnica [feminine]…

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minorité [feminine] ethnique…

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etnisk minoritet [masculine]…

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Ethnic minorities in China - Wikipedia

Ethnic minorities in China - Wikipedia

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(Top)

1History of ethnicity in China

Toggle History of ethnicity in China subsection

1.1Early history

1.2Distinguishing nationalities in the PRC

1.3Reform and opening up

2Ethnic groups

Toggle Ethnic groups subsection

2.1Demographics

2.2List of ethnic groups

2.3Undistinguished ethnic groups

3Guarantee of rights and interests

4Religions and their most common affiliations

5Ethnic Minority Representation in the leadership of the CCP

6See also

7References

8Further reading

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

55 recognized ethnic minorities in Mainland China

For a list of ethnic groups in China, see List of ethnic groups in China and Languages of China.

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Ethnic minorities in China are the non-Han population in the People's Republic of China (PRC).

The PRC officially recognizes 55 ethnic minority groups within China in addition to the Han majority.[1] As of 2010, the combined population of officially-recognized minority groups comprised 8.49% of the population of Mainland China.[2] In addition to these officially-recognized ethnic minority groups, there are Chinese nationals who privately classify themselves as members of unrecognized ethnic groups, such as the very small Chinese Jewish, Tuvan, and Ili Turk communities, as well as the much larger Oirat and Japanese communities.

In Chinese, 'ethnic minority' has translated to shǎoshù mínzú (少數民族), wherein mínzú (民族) means 'nationality' or 'nation' (as in ethnic group)—in line with the Soviet concept of ethnicity—and shǎoshù (少數) means 'minority'.[3][4][5] Since the anthropological concept of ethnicity does not precisely match the Chinese or Soviet concepts (which are defined and regulated by the state), some scholars use the neologism zúqún (族群, 'ethnic group') to unambiguously refer to ethnicity.[6] Including shaoshu mínzu, Sun Yat-sen used the term zhōnghuá mínzú (中華民族, 'Chinese nation' or 'Chinese nationality') to reflect his belief that all of China's ethnic groups were parts of a single Chinese nation.[7]

The ethnic minority groups officially recognized by the PRC include those residing within mainland China as well as Taiwanese aborigines. However, the PRC does not accept the term aborigines or its variations, since it might suggest that Han people are not indigenous to Taiwan, or that Taiwan is not a core territory of China. Also, where the Republic of China (ROC) government in Taiwan, as of 2020, officially recognises 16 Taiwanese aboriginal tribes, the PRC classifies them all under a single ethnic group, the Gāoshān (高山, 'high mountain') minority, out of reluctance to recognize ethnic classifications derived from the work of Japanese anthropologists during the Japanese colonial era. (This is despite the fact that not all Taiwanese aborigines have traditional territories in the mountains; for example, the Tao People traditionally inhabit the island of Lanyu.) The regional governments of Hong Kong and Macau do not use this ethnic classification system, so figures by the PRC government exclude these two territories.

History of ethnicity in China[edit]

Further information: Ethnic groups in Chinese history and Racism in China

Early history[edit]

An 8th-century Tang dynasty Chinese clay figurine of a Sogdian man (an Eastern Iranian person) wearing a distinctive cap and face veil, possibly a camel rider or even a Zoroastrian priest engaging in a ritual at a fire temple, since face veils were used to avoid contaminating the holy fire with breath or saliva; Museum of Oriental Art (Turin), Italy.[8]

Throughout much of recorded Chinese history, there was little attempt by Chinese authors to separate the concepts of nationality, culture, and ethnicity.[9] Those outside of the reach of imperial control and dominant patterns of Chinese culture were thought of as separate groups of people regardless of whether they would today be considered as a separate ethnicity. The self-conceptualization of Han largely revolved around this center-periphery cultural divide. Thus, the process of Sinicization throughout history had as much to do with the spreading of imperial rule and culture as it did with actual ethnic migration.[citation needed]

This understanding persisted (with some changes during the Qing dynasty due to the importation of Western ideas) until the Communists seized power in 1949. Their understanding of minorities had been heavily influenced by the policies of the Soviet leader Joseph Stalin—and they also influenced the Communist regimes in the neighbouring countries of Vietnam and Laos[10]—but the Soviet definition of minorities did not cleanly map onto the Chinese people's historical definition of minorities. Soviet thinking about minorities was based on the belief that a nation consisted of people who spoke and wrote a common language, people whose culture was historic, and historic territory. Therefore, The people who inhabited each nation had the theoretical right to secede from a proposed federated government.[11] This differed from the previous way of thinking mainly in that instead of defining all those under imperial rule as Chinese, the nation (as defined as a space upon which power is projected) and ethnicity (the identity of the governed) were now separate; being under central rule no longer automatically meant being defined as Chinese. The Soviet model as applied to China gave rise to the autonomous regions in China; these areas were thought to be their own nations that had theoretical autonomy from the central government.[12]

During World War II, the American Asiatic Association published an entry in the 40th volume of their academic journal, Asia, concerning the problem of whether Chinese Muslims were Chinese or a separate 'ethnic minority', and the factors which led to either classification.[13] It tackled the question of why Muslims who were Chinese were considered a different race from other Chinese, and the separate question of whether all Muslims in China were united into one race. The first problem was posed with a comparison to Chinese Buddhists, who were not considered a separate race.[14] It concluded that the reason Chinese Muslims were considered separate was because of different factors like religion, culture, military feudalism, and that considering them a "racial minority" was wrong. It also came to the conclusion that the Japanese military spokesman was the only person who was propagating the false assertion that Chinese Muslims had "racial unity", which was disproved by the fact that Muslims in China were composed of multitudes of different races, separate from each other as were the "Germans and English", such as the Mongol Hui of Hezhou, Salar Hui of Qinghai, and Chan Tou Hui of Turkistan. The Japanese were trying to spread the lie that Chinese Muslims were one race, in order to propagate the claim that they should be separated from China into an "independent political organization."[13]

Distinguishing nationalities in the PRC[edit]

Early documents of the People's Republic of China (PRC), such as the 1982 constitution,[15] followed the Soviet practice of identifying 'nationalities' in the sense of ethnic groups (the concept is not to be confused with state citizenship).[3][5] The Chinese term mínzú (民族), borrowed from Japanese during the Republican period, translates this Soviet concept. The English translation (common in official documents) of 'nationality' again follows Soviet practice; in order to avoid confusion, however, alternative phraseology such as 'ethnicity' or 'ethnic group' is often used. Since the anthropological concept of ethnicity does not precisely match the Chinese or Soviet concepts (which, after all, are defined and regulated by the state), some scholars use the neologism zuqun (族群, 'ethnic group') to unambiguously refer to ethnicity.[6]

After 1949, a team of social scientists was assembled to enumerate the various mínzú. An immediate difficulty was that identities "on the ground" did not necessarily follow logically from things like shared languages or cultures; two neighboring regions might seem to share a common culture, and yet insist on their distinct identities.[16] Since this would lead to absurd results—every village could hardly send a representative to the National People's Congress—the social scientists attempted to construct coherent groupings of minorities using language as the main criterion for differentiation. Thus some villages with very different cultural practices and histories were lumped together under the same ethnonym. For example, the "Zhuang" ethnic group largely served as a catch-all for various hill villages in Guangxi province.[17]

The actual census taking of who was and was not a minority further eroded the neat differentiating lines the social scientists had drawn up. Individual ethnic status was often awarded based on family tree histories. If one had a father (or mother, for ethnic groups that were considered matrilineal) that had a surname considered to belong to a particular ethnic group, then one was awarded the coveted minority status. This had the result that villages that had previously thought of themselves as homogenous and essentially Han were now divided between those with ethnic identity and those without.[18]

The team of social scientists that assembled the list of all the ethnic groups also described what they considered to be the key differentiating attributes between each group, including culture, custom, and language. The center then used this list of attributes to select representatives of each group to perform on television and radio in an attempt to reinforce the government's narrative of China as a multi-ethnic state and to prevent the culture of the minority ethnic groups from assimilating by the Han and the rest of the world.[19] However, with the development of modern technology, these attempts brought little effect. In fact, many of those labeled as specific minorities bore no relationship to the music, clothing, and other practices presented with images and representations of "their people" in the media.

Under this process, 39 ethnic groups were recognized by the first national census in 1954. This further increased to 54 by the second national census in 1964, with the Lhoba group added in 1965. The last change was the addition of the Jino people in 1979, bringing the number of recognized ethnic groups to the current 56.

Reform and opening up[edit]

Ethnolinguistic map of China in 1983.[20]However, as China opened up and reformed post-1979, many Han acquired enough money to begin to travel. One of the favorite travel experiences of the wealthy was visits to minority areas, to see the exotic rituals of the minority peoples.[21][22] Responding to this interest, many minority entrepreneurs, despite themselves perhaps never having grown up practicing the dances, rituals, or songs themselves, began to cater to these tourists by performing acts similar to what the older generation or the local residents told. In this way, the groups of people named Zhuang or other named minorities have begun to have more in common with their fellow co-ethnics, as they have adopted similar self-conceptions in response to the economic demand of consumers for their performances.[citation needed]

The categorization of 55 minority groups was a major step forward from denial of the existence of different ethnic groups in China which had been the policy of Sun Yet-Sen's Nationalist government that came to power in 1911, which also engaged in the common use of derogatory names to refer to minorities (a practice officially abolished in 1951).[3] However, the Communist Party's categorization was also rampantly criticized since it reduced the number of recognized ethnic groups by eightfold,[citation needed] and today the wei shibie menzu (literally 'undistinguished ethnic groups') total more than 730,000 people. These groups include Geija, Khmu, Kucong, Mang, Deng, Sherpas, Bajia and Youtai (Jewish).[citation needed]

After the breakup of Yugoslavia and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, there was a shift in official conceptions of minorities in China: rather than defining them as 'nationalities', they became 'ethnic groups'. The difference between 'nationality' and 'ethnicity', as Uradyn Erden-Bulag describes it, is that the former treats the minorities of China as societies with "a fully functional division of labor," history, and territory, whereas the latter treats minorities as a "category" and focuses on their maintenance of boundaries and their self-definition in relation to the majority group. These changes are reflected in uses of the term mínzú (民族) and its translations. The official journal Minzu Tuanjie changed its English name from Nationality Unity to Ethnic Unity in 1995. Similarly, the Central University for Nationalities changed its name to Minzu University of China. Scholars began to prefer the term zuqun (族群, 'ethnic group') over minzu.[23] The Chinese model for identifying and categorizing ethnic minorities established at the founding of the PRC followed the Soviet model, drawing inspiration from Joseph Stalin's 1953 'four commons' criteria to identify ethnic groups: "(1) a distinct language; (2) a recognized indigenous homeland or common territory; (3) a common economic life; and (4) a strong sense of identity and distinctive customs, including dress, religion and foods."[citation needed]

Following the breakup of the Soviet Union intellectuals and policymakers within China began to argue that the designation of minority groups could be a threat to the country. Violence in Xinjiang and Tibet provided evidence for this argument. Beijing University professor Ma Rong argued that the Chinese Communist Party had unwittingly created a "dual structure" of governance in which the representation and identity given to recognized ethnic groups would increase ethnocultural differences and create social conflict. He recommended new policies of ethnic fusion and assimilation. These proposals made by Ma and others were controversial at the time but they would find a place at the heart of the policy of the Xi Jinping administration. Xi has shifted state policy towards assimilation in what he calls the "grand minzu fusion" or "the coalescing of blood and minds."[24] The CCP under Xi has reacted to violence committed by a number of Uyghurs by the imprisonment of this group in the Xinjiang internment camps.[25]

In 2020 a Han Chinese was named director of the State Ethnic Affairs Commission for the first time since 1954.[24]

Ethnic groups[edit]

See also: List of ethnic groups in China

The Long-horn tribe, a small branch of ethnic Miao in the western part of Guizhou Province

China is officially composed of 56 ethnic groups (55 minorities plus the dominant Han). However, some of the ethnic groups as classified by the PRC government contain, within themselves, diverse groups of people. Various groups of the Miao minority, for example, speak different dialects of the Hmong–Mien languages, Tai–Kadai languages, and Chinese, and practice a variety of different cultural customs.[26] Whereas in many nations a citizen's minority status is defined by their self-identification as an ethnic minority, in China minority nationality (xiaoshu minzu) is fixed at birth, a practice that can be traced to the foundation of the PRC, when the Communist Party commissioned studies to categorize and delineate groups based on research teams' investigation of minorities' social history, economic life, language and religion in China's different regions.

The degree of variation between ethnic groups is not consistent. Many ethnic groups are described as having unique characteristics from other minority groups and from the dominant Han, but there are also some that are very similar to the Han majority group. Most Hui Chinese are indistinguishable from Han Chinese except for the fact that they practice Islam, and most Manchu are considered to be largely assimilated into dominant Han society.[citation needed]

China's official 55 minorities are located primarily in the south, west, and north of China. Only Tibet Autonomous Region and Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region have a majority population of official minorities, while all other provinces, municipalities and regions of China have a Han majority. In Beijing itself, the Han ethnic composition makes up nearly 96% of the total population, while the ethnic minority total is 4.31%, or a population of 584,692 (as of 2008).[citation needed]

Much of the dialog within China regarding minorities has generally portrayed minorities as being further behind the Han in progress toward modernization and modernity. Minority groups are often portrayed as rustic, wild, and antiquated. As the government often portrays itself as a benefactor of the minorities, those less willing to assimilate (despite the offers of assistance) are portrayed as masculine, violent, and unreasonable. Groups that have been depicted this way include the Tibetans, Uyghurs and the Mongols.[27] Groups that have been more willing to assimilate (and accept the help of the government) are often portrayed as feminine and sexual, including the Miao, Tujia and the Dai.[19]

Demographics[edit]

The largest ethnic group, Han, according to a 2005 sampling, constitute about 91.9% of the total population. The next largest ethnic groups in terms of population include the Zhuang (18 million), Manchu (10 million), Hui (10 million), Miao (9 million), Uyghur (8 million), Yi (7.8 million), Tujia (8 million), Mongols (5.8 million), Tibetans (5.4 million), Buyei (3 million), Yao (3.1 million), and Koreans (2.5 million). Minority populations have grown fast due to them being unaffected by the One Child Policy.[28]

List of ethnic groups[edit]

Ethnic minorities with low populations (fewer than 100,000 individuals) were not taken into account here.[29]

Ethnic Hans

Beijing Hans

Chongqing Hans

Gan Hans

Gansu Hans

Guizhou Hans

Hainan Hans

Hakka Hans

Hebei Hans

Heilongjiang Hans

Henan Hans

Hubei Hans

Jiaoliao Hans

Jilin & Liaoning Hans

Lower Yangtze Hans

Min Hans

Shaanxi Hans

Shandong Hans

Shanxi Hans

Sichuan Hans

Taiwan Hans

Tianjin Hans

Wu Hans

Xiang Hans

Yue Hans

Yunnan Hans

Ethnic minorities

Bai

Chinese Koreans

Dai

Dong

Evenki

Hani

Hui

Jingpo

Kazakhs

Kyrgyz

Lahu

Li

Lisu

Manchus

Maonan

Miao

Taiwanese indigenous people

Tajiks

Tibetans

Tujia

Uyghurs

Wa

Yao

Yi

Zhuang

Mongolian (sub)groups

Buryats

Chinese Mongols

Daurs

Khalka Mongols

Oirat Mongols

Undistinguished ethnic groups[edit]

Main article: Unrecognized ethnic groups in China

"Undistinguished" ethnic groups are ethnic groups that have not been officially recognized or classified by the central government. The group numbers more than 730,000 people, and would constitute the twentieth most populous ethnic group of China if taken as a single group. The vast majority of this group is found in Guizhou Province.[citation needed]

These "undistinguished ethnic groups" do not include groups that have been controversially classified into existing groups. For example, the Mosuo are officially classified as Naxi, and the Chuanqing are classified as Han Chinese, but they reject these classifications and view themselves as separate ethnic groups.

Citizens of mainland China who are of foreign origin are classified using yet another separate label: "foreigners naturalized into the Chinese citizenship" (外国人入中国籍). However, if a newly naturalized citizen already belongs to a recognized existing group among the 56 ethnic groups, then he or she is classified into that ethnic group rather than the special label.

Guarantee of rights and interests[edit]

Major Autonomous areas within Yunnan. (excluding Hui)

Major Autonomous areas within Guizhou. (excluding Hui)

Main article: Affirmative action in China

The PRC's Constitution and laws guarantee equal rights to all ethnic groups in China and help promote ethnic minority groups' economic and cultural development.[30] The constitution prohibits both discrimination and acts of disunity.[31] Articles 115 and 116 of the constitution state that in the provincial level autonomous regions and the autonomous prefectures and counties set aside for minority administration, local states via the local people's congresses "have the power to enact regulations on the exercise of autonomy and other separate regulations in the light of the political, economic, and cultural characteristics" of those areas.[31]

One notable preferential treatment ethnic minorities enjoy was their exemption from the population growth control of the One-Child Policy. But according to an investigative report by The Associated Press published at 28 June 2020, the Chinese government is taking draconian measures to slash birth rates among Uighurs and other minorities as part of a sweeping campaign to curb its Muslim population, even as it encourages some of the country's Han majority to have more children.[32]

While individual women have spoken out before about forced birth control, the practice is far more widespread and systematic than previously known, according to an AP investigation based on government statistics, state documents and interviews with 30 ex-detainees, family members and a former detention camp instructor. The campaign over the past four years in the far west region of Xinjiang is leading to what some experts are calling a form of "demographic genocide".[32] Ethnic minorities enjoy other special exemptions which vary by province- these include lower tax thresholds and lower required scores for entry into university. The use of these measures to raise ethnic minorities' human capital is seen by the central government as important for improving the economic development of ethnic minorities. Ethnic minorities are represented in the National People's Congress as well as governments at the provincial and prefectural levels. Some ethnic minorities in China live in what are described as ethnic autonomous areas. These "regional autonomies" guarantee ethnic minorities the freedom to use and develop their ethnic languages, and to maintain their own cultural and social customs. In addition, the PRC government has provided preferential economic development and aid to areas where ethnic minorities live. Furthermore, the Chinese government has allowed and encouraged the involvement of ethnic minority participation in the party. Even though ethnic minorities in China are granted specific rights and freedoms, many ethnic minorities still have headed towards the urban life in order to obtain a well paid job.[33]

Minorities have widely benefited from China's minimum livelihood guarantee program (known as the dibao) a programme introduced nationwide in 1999 whose number of participants had reached nearly twenty million by 2012. The nature of the selection process entails that the programme's providers be proactive and willing in seeking out impoverished prospective participants, as opposed to more comprehensive welfare schemes such as the Urban Resident Basic Medical Insurance Scheme (URBMI), which is universally implemented. As such, the selection process for participants in the dibao programme has generated a perception among observers of the scheme that this programme have been used to mitigate dissent and neutralize any threat to the government that could lead to unrest- including negative performance evaluations of local officials.[citation needed]

The Chinese government has committed a series of ongoing human rights abuses against Uyghurs and other ethnic and religious minorities in Xinjiang that is often characterized as Uyghurs genocide starting in 2014.

Religions and their most common affiliations[edit]

Buddhism/Taoism — the Miao (minority), Lisu (minority), Bai, Bulang, Dai, Jinuo, Jing, Jingpo, Mongol, Manchu, Naxi (including Mosuo), Nu, Tai, Tibetan, Zhuang (minority), Yi (minority), and Yugur ("Yellow Uyghurs").[34]

Eastern Orthodox Christianity — the Russians

Islam — the Hui, Uyghurs, Kazakhs, Dongxiang people, Kyrgyz people, Salar, Tajiks, Uzbeks, Bonans, and Tatars.[35]

Judaism — Kaifeng Jews

Protestant Christianity — the Lisu (70%; see Lisu Church)

Shamanism/Animism — Daur, Ewenkis, Oroqen, Hezhen, and Derung.

Ethnic Minority Representation in the leadership of the CCP[edit]

Since the People's Republic of China was established, ethnic minorities have made up around 10% of the Central Committee,[36][better source needed] whereas the rest of the members are of the Han Chinese ethnic group. That being said, a majority of the ethnic minority members of the Central Committee are alternate members.[36][better source needed] In the 19th Congress there are only 16 full time members who are ethnic minorities.[36][better source needed] While only 6 of the 55 ethnic minorities are represented in the Central Committee,[37] the percentage of ethnic minority members in the Central Committee exceeds the percentage of ethnic minority population in China. Ethnic minorities only make up roughly 7.5% of China's population, whereas 92% are Han Chinese,[38] the dominant ethnicity. Still the majority of ethnic minorities are severely underrepresented in the Central Committee.

A study conducted by three scholars in 2012, "Getting Ahead in the Communist Party: Explaining the Advancement of Central Committee Members", found that ethnic minorities had an advantage when being considered for promotion in Congress. They explain this phenomenon through the United Front policies that China has been engaged with since the Reform Era.[39] These policies attempt to promote stability and legitimacy among the ethnic minority population through concerted efforts to involve them in the country's politics . Thus the authors argue this is why ethnic minorities enjoyed an advantage in the Reform Period. Other scholars add that the Party is eager to include ethnic minorities in the government because of the backlash that China has faced from the rest of the world concerning the way they treated Tibet and most recently the Uyghurs in Xinjiang.[40] Including ethnic minorities in the Party's leadership adds to the "United Front" that China wants to portray.[41] Though they are included, it remains unclear as to what amount of influence they assert.[42]

See also[edit]

China portal

Affirmative action in China

Han Chinese subgroups

China National Ethnic Song and Dance Ensemble

Chinese nationality law

Demographics of the People's Republic of China and Taiwan

Demographics of China#Population density and distribution

Dzungar genocide

Ethnic groups in Chinese history

Ethnic issues in China

Graphic pejoratives in written Chinese

Human rights in China

List of Chinese administrative divisions by ethnic group

List of endangered languages in China

List of ethnic groups in China

Minzu University of China, a university in Beijing designated for ethnic minorities.

Secession in China

Sinocentrism

Taiwanese indigenous peoples

Unrecognized ethnic groups in China

Persecution of Uyghurs in China

Zhonghua minzu

References[edit]

^ "Ethnic Groups in China". English.gov.cn. 26 August 2014.

^ Wang Guanqun, ed. (28 April 2011). "Han Chinese proportion in China's population drops: census data". English.news.cn. Archived from the original on 2 May 2011.

^ a b c Binggao, Jin. [1987] 1988. "When Does The Word 'Minority Nationality' [Shaoshu Minzu] [First] Appear in Our Country?," translated by Tibet Information Network. Bulletin of the History of the Tibet Communist Party 1(19). p. 45 ff.

^ Chang, Ntxheb. "Conclusion: Splendid China and Being Minzu." Being Shaoshu Minzu in Contemporary China. US: Boston College. via Mediakron.

^ a b Moseley, George. "China's Fresh Approach to the National Minority Question." The China Quarterly.

^ a b Perry, Elizabeth J.; Selden, Mark, eds. (5 April 2010), "Alter/native Mongolian identity: From nationality to ethnic group", Chinese Society (0 ed.), Routledge, p. 284, doi:10.4324/9780203856314-17, ISBN 978-0-203-85631-4

^ Landis, Dan, and Rosita D. Albert. 2012. Handbook of Ethnic Conflict: International Perspectives. Springer. ISBN 978-1461404477. p. 182 (archived).

^ Lee Lawrence. (3 September 2011). "A Mysterious Stranger in China". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 31 August 2016.

^ Harrell, Stephan (1996). Cultural encounters on China's ethnic frontiers. Seattle: University of Washington Press. ISBN 978-0-295-97380-7.

^ Michaud J., 2009 Handling Mountain Minorities in China, Vietnam and Laos : From History to Current Issues. Asian Ethnicity 10(1): 25–49.

^ Blaut, J. M. (1987). "The Theory of National Minorities". The National Question: Decolonizing the Theory of Nationalism. London: Zed Books. ISBN 978-0-86232-439-1.

^ Ma, Rong (June 2010). "The Soviet Model's Influence and the Current Debate on Ethnic Relations". Global Asia.

^ a b American Asiatic Association (1940). Asia: journal of the American Asiatic Association, Volume 40. Asia Pub. Co. p. 660. Retrieved 8 May 2011.

^ Hartford Seminary Foundation (1941). The Moslem World, Volumes 31–34. Hartford Seminary Foundation. p. 182. Retrieved 8 May 2011.

^ Constitution of the People's Republic of China Archived 23 May 2006 at the Wayback Machine, 4 December 1982. Retrieved 27 February 2007.

^ Mullaney, Thomas (2010). "Seeing for the State: The Role of Social Scientists in China's Ethnic Classification Project". Asian Ethnicity. 11 (3): 325–342. doi:10.1080/14631369.2010.510874. S2CID 145787875.

^ Kaup, Katherine Palmer (2002). "Regionalism versus Ethnic nationalism". The China Quarterly. 172: 863–884. doi:10.1017/s0009443902000530. S2CID 154596032.

^ Mullaney, Thomas (2004). "Ethnic Classification Writ Large: The 1954 Yunnan Province Ethnic Classification Project and its Foundations in Republican-Era Taxonomic Thought". China Information. 18 (2): 207–241. doi:10.1177/0920203X04044685. S2CID 146596892.

^ a b Gladney, Dru C. (1994). "Representing Nationality in China: Refiguring Majority/Minority Identities". The Journal of Asian Studies. 53 (1): 92–123. doi:10.2307/2059528. JSTOR 2059528. S2CID 162540993.

^ "China - Ethnolinguistic Groups 1983". University of Texas Libraries. 1983. Retrieved 20 September 2019.

^ Oakes, Timothy S. (31 December 2017), Picard, Michel; Wood, Robert E. (eds.), "2. Ethnic Tourism in Rural Guizhou: Sense of Place and the Commerce of Authenticity", Tourism, Ethnicity, and the State in Asian and Pacific Societies, University of Hawaii Press, pp. 35–70, doi:10.1515/9780824865252-003, ISBN 978-0-8248-6525-2

^ Hillman, Ben (2003). "Paradise under Construction: Minorities, Myths and Modernity in Northwest Yunnan" (PDF). Asian Ethnicity. 4 (2): 177–190. doi:10.1080/14631360301654. S2CID 143987010.

^ Perry, Elizabeth J.; Selden, Mark; Uradyn Erden-Bulag. "Alter/native Mongolian identity: From nationality to ethnic group". Chinese Society: Change, conflict and resistance. Routledge. pp. 261–287. ISBN 978-0-203-85631-4.

^ a b Leibold, James. "Beyond Xinjiang: Xi Jinping's Ethnic Crackdown". thediplomat.com. The Diplomat. Retrieved 5 May 2021.

^ "Dismantling China's Muslim gulag in Xinjiang is not enough". The Economist. 9 January 2020. ISSN 0013-0613. Retrieved 16 November 2020. A tiny minority have made their displeasure known violently. China has reacted by building a vast network of prison camps and tossing perhaps 1m Uighurs into it for "vocational training"

^ Xiaobing Li, and Patrick Fuliang Shan, Ethnic China: Identity, Assimilation and Resistance, Lexington and Rowman & Littlefield, 2015.

^ Hillman, Ben (2006). "Macho Minority: Masculinity and Ethnicity on the Edge of Tibet" (PDF). Modern China. 32 (2): 251–272. doi:10.1177/0097700405286186. S2CID 53869758. Archived from the original (PDF) on 6 February 2016. Despite tremendous diversity among this broad and dubious ethnic category, the Han became the personification of the new nation and a symbol of modernity and progress. The new Communist Party leaders continued this project, presenting the Han peoples as the harbingers of modernity and progress, a beacon to the non- Han peoples of the political periphery who found themselves unwitting members of a new nation-state defined by clear borders (...) Ethnic minorities entered the national imagination as the primitive Other against which China's modern national identity could be constructed.

^ "MINORITIES IN CHINA | Facts and Details". Factsanddetails.com.

^ "China & Mongolia Regional DNA Project". Eupedia.

^ "Constitution of the People's Republic of China".

^ a b Lin, Chun (2006). The transformation of Chinese socialism. Durham [N.C.]: Duke University Press. p. 101. ISBN 978-0-8223-3785-0. OCLC 63178961.

^ a b AP’s global investigative team (28 June 2020). "China cuts Uighur births with IUDs, abortion, sterilization". Associated Press. Retrieved 1 August 2020.

^ Yardley, Jim (11 May 2008). "China Sticking With One-Child Policy". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 November 2008.

^ "Ethnic Groups". China.org.cn. Retrieved 7 March 2019.

^ Jackie Armijo (Winter 2006). "Islamic Education in China". Harvard Asia Quarterly. 10 (1). Archived from the original on 28 September 2007.

^ a b c "Periphery: Ethnic Minority Candidates for the 20th Central Committee". China-US Focus. 11 June 2022. Retrieved 22 September 2023.

^ "Who Rules China? Comparing Representation on the NPC and Central Committee". MacroPolo. Retrieved 22 September 2023.

^ Solis, Jacqueline. "LibGuides: Chinese Ethnic Groups: Overview Statistics". guides.lib.unc.edu. Retrieved 22 September 2023.

^ Shih, Victor; Adolph, Christopher; Liu, Mingxing (February 2012). "Getting Ahead in the Communist Party: Explaining the Advancement of Central Committee Members in China". American Political Science Review. 106 (1): 166–187. doi:10.1017/S0003055411000566. ISSN 0003-0554.

^ "Uyghurs | Human Rights Watch". www.hrw.org. Retrieved 22 September 2023.

^ Li, Cheng (2008). "Ethnic Minority Elites in China's Party-State Leadership". {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)

^ "How much of the NPC is composed of women and ethnic minorities?". South China Morning Post. 11 March 2021. Retrieved 22 September 2023.

Further reading[edit]

Tang, Wenfang and He, Gaochao. "Separate but Loyal: Ethnicity and Nationalism in China." Policy Studies 56. East–West Center.

China Ethnic Statistical Yearbook 2016

vteEthnic groups in ChinaUnderlined: the 56 recognized ethnic groupsSino-TibetanSinitic

Bai

Caijia

Chuanqing

Han

subgroups

Hui

Longjia

Waxiang

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Western

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Related

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China

Cyprus

East Timor (Timor-Leste)

Egypt

Georgia

India

Indonesia

Iran

Iraq

Israel

Japan

Jordan

Kazakhstan

North Korea

South Korea

Kuwait

Kyrgyzstan

Laos

Lebanon

Malaysia

Maldives

Mongolia

Myanmar

Nepal

Oman

Pakistan

Philippines

Qatar

Russia

Saudi Arabia

Singapore

Sri Lanka

Syria

Tajikistan

Thailand

Turkey

Turkmenistan

United Arab Emirates

Uzbekistan

Vietnam

Yemen

States withlimited recognition

Abkhazia

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1History of ethnicity in China

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1.1Early history

1.2Distinguishing nationalities in the PRC

1.3Reform and opening up

2Ethnic groups

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2.1Demographics

2.2List of ethnic groups

2.3Undistinguished ethnic groups

3Guarantee of rights and interests

4Religions and their most common affiliations

5Ethnic Minority Representation in the leadership of the CCP

6See also

7References

8Further reading

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Ethnic minorities in China

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

55 recognized ethnic minorities in Mainland China

For a list of ethnic groups in China, see List of ethnic groups in China and Languages of China.

Politics of China

Leadership

Leadership generations

Succession of power

Hu–Wen Administration (2002–2012)

Xi–Li Administration (2012–2017)

Xi Administration (since 2017)

4th Leadership Core: Xi Jinping

20th Party Politburo: Xi Jinping

14th State Council: Li Qiang

Current state leaders

Current provincial leaders

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Ethnic minorities in China are the non-Han population in the People's Republic of China (PRC).

The PRC officially recognizes 55 ethnic minority groups within China in addition to the Han majority.[1] As of 2010, the combined population of officially-recognized minority groups comprised 8.49% of the population of Mainland China.[2] In addition to these officially-recognized ethnic minority groups, there are Chinese nationals who privately classify themselves as members of unrecognized ethnic groups, such as the very small Chinese Jewish, Tuvan, and Ili Turk communities, as well as the much larger Oirat and Japanese communities.

In Chinese, 'ethnic minority' has translated to shǎoshù mínzú (少數民族), wherein mínzú (民族) means 'nationality' or 'nation' (as in ethnic group)—in line with the Soviet concept of ethnicity—and shǎoshù (少數) means 'minority'.[3][4][5] Since the anthropological concept of ethnicity does not precisely match the Chinese or Soviet concepts (which are defined and regulated by the state), some scholars use the neologism zúqún (族群, 'ethnic group') to unambiguously refer to ethnicity.[6] Including shaoshu mínzu, Sun Yat-sen used the term zhōnghuá mínzú (中華民族, 'Chinese nation' or 'Chinese nationality') to reflect his belief that all of China's ethnic groups were parts of a single Chinese nation.[7]

The ethnic minority groups officially recognized by the PRC include those residing within mainland China as well as Taiwanese aborigines. However, the PRC does not accept the term aborigines or its variations, since it might suggest that Han people are not indigenous to Taiwan, or that Taiwan is not a core territory of China. Also, where the Republic of China (ROC) government in Taiwan, as of 2020, officially recognises 16 Taiwanese aboriginal tribes, the PRC classifies them all under a single ethnic group, the Gāoshān (高山, 'high mountain') minority, out of reluctance to recognize ethnic classifications derived from the work of Japanese anthropologists during the Japanese colonial era. (This is despite the fact that not all Taiwanese aborigines have traditional territories in the mountains; for example, the Tao People traditionally inhabit the island of Lanyu.) The regional governments of Hong Kong and Macau do not use this ethnic classification system, so figures by the PRC government exclude these two territories.

History of ethnicity in China[edit]

Further information: Ethnic groups in Chinese history and Racism in China

Early history[edit]

An 8th-century Tang dynasty Chinese clay figurine of a Sogdian man (an Eastern Iranian person) wearing a distinctive cap and face veil, possibly a camel rider or even a Zoroastrian priest engaging in a ritual at a fire temple, since face veils were used to avoid contaminating the holy fire with breath or saliva; Museum of Oriental Art (Turin), Italy.[8]

Throughout much of recorded Chinese history, there was little attempt by Chinese authors to separate the concepts of nationality, culture, and ethnicity.[9] Those outside of the reach of imperial control and dominant patterns of Chinese culture were thought of as separate groups of people regardless of whether they would today be considered as a separate ethnicity. The self-conceptualization of Han largely revolved around this center-periphery cultural divide. Thus, the process of Sinicization throughout history had as much to do with the spreading of imperial rule and culture as it did with actual ethnic migration.[citation needed]

This understanding persisted (with some changes during the Qing dynasty due to the importation of Western ideas) until the Communists seized power in 1949. Their understanding of minorities had been heavily influenced by the policies of the Soviet leader Joseph Stalin—and they also influenced the Communist regimes in the neighbouring countries of Vietnam and Laos[10]—but the Soviet definition of minorities did not cleanly map onto the Chinese people's historical definition of minorities. Soviet thinking about minorities was based on the belief that a nation consisted of people who spoke and wrote a common language, people whose culture was historic, and historic territory. Therefore, The people who inhabited each nation had the theoretical right to secede from a proposed federated government.[11] This differed from the previous way of thinking mainly in that instead of defining all those under imperial rule as Chinese, the nation (as defined as a space upon which power is projected) and ethnicity (the identity of the governed) were now separate; being under central rule no longer automatically meant being defined as Chinese. The Soviet model as applied to China gave rise to the autonomous regions in China; these areas were thought to be their own nations that had theoretical autonomy from the central government.[12]

During World War II, the American Asiatic Association published an entry in the 40th volume of their academic journal, Asia, concerning the problem of whether Chinese Muslims were Chinese or a separate 'ethnic minority', and the factors which led to either classification.[13] It tackled the question of why Muslims who were Chinese were considered a different race from other Chinese, and the separate question of whether all Muslims in China were united into one race. The first problem was posed with a comparison to Chinese Buddhists, who were not considered a separate race.[14] It concluded that the reason Chinese Muslims were considered separate was because of different factors like religion, culture, military feudalism, and that considering them a "racial minority" was wrong. It also came to the conclusion that the Japanese military spokesman was the only person who was propagating the false assertion that Chinese Muslims had "racial unity", which was disproved by the fact that Muslims in China were composed of multitudes of different races, separate from each other as were the "Germans and English", such as the Mongol Hui of Hezhou, Salar Hui of Qinghai, and Chan Tou Hui of Turkistan. The Japanese were trying to spread the lie that Chinese Muslims were one race, in order to propagate the claim that they should be separated from China into an "independent political organization."[13]

Distinguishing nationalities in the PRC[edit]

Early documents of the People's Republic of China (PRC), such as the 1982 constitution,[15] followed the Soviet practice of identifying 'nationalities' in the sense of ethnic groups (the concept is not to be confused with state citizenship).[3][5] The Chinese term mínzú (民族), borrowed from Japanese during the Republican period, translates this Soviet concept. The English translation (common in official documents) of 'nationality' again follows Soviet practice; in order to avoid confusion, however, alternative phraseology such as 'ethnicity' or 'ethnic group' is often used. Since the anthropological concept of ethnicity does not precisely match the Chinese or Soviet concepts (which, after all, are defined and regulated by the state), some scholars use the neologism zuqun (族群, 'ethnic group') to unambiguously refer to ethnicity.[6]

After 1949, a team of social scientists was assembled to enumerate the various mínzú. An immediate difficulty was that identities "on the ground" did not necessarily follow logically from things like shared languages or cultures; two neighboring regions might seem to share a common culture, and yet insist on their distinct identities.[16] Since this would lead to absurd results—every village could hardly send a representative to the National People's Congress—the social scientists attempted to construct coherent groupings of minorities using language as the main criterion for differentiation. Thus some villages with very different cultural practices and histories were lumped together under the same ethnonym. For example, the "Zhuang" ethnic group largely served as a catch-all for various hill villages in Guangxi province.[17]

The actual census taking of who was and was not a minority further eroded the neat differentiating lines the social scientists had drawn up. Individual ethnic status was often awarded based on family tree histories. If one had a father (or mother, for ethnic groups that were considered matrilineal) that had a surname considered to belong to a particular ethnic group, then one was awarded the coveted minority status. This had the result that villages that had previously thought of themselves as homogenous and essentially Han were now divided between those with ethnic identity and those without.[18]

The team of social scientists that assembled the list of all the ethnic groups also described what they considered to be the key differentiating attributes between each group, including culture, custom, and language. The center then used this list of attributes to select representatives of each group to perform on television and radio in an attempt to reinforce the government's narrative of China as a multi-ethnic state and to prevent the culture of the minority ethnic groups from assimilating by the Han and the rest of the world.[19] However, with the development of modern technology, these attempts brought little effect. In fact, many of those labeled as specific minorities bore no relationship to the music, clothing, and other practices presented with images and representations of "their people" in the media.

Under this process, 39 ethnic groups were recognized by the first national census in 1954. This further increased to 54 by the second national census in 1964, with the Lhoba group added in 1965. The last change was the addition of the Jino people in 1979, bringing the number of recognized ethnic groups to the current 56.

Reform and opening up[edit]

Ethnolinguistic map of China in 1983.[20]However, as China opened up and reformed post-1979, many Han acquired enough money to begin to travel. One of the favorite travel experiences of the wealthy was visits to minority areas, to see the exotic rituals of the minority peoples.[21][22] Responding to this interest, many minority entrepreneurs, despite themselves perhaps never having grown up practicing the dances, rituals, or songs themselves, began to cater to these tourists by performing acts similar to what the older generation or the local residents told. In this way, the groups of people named Zhuang or other named minorities have begun to have more in common with their fellow co-ethnics, as they have adopted similar self-conceptions in response to the economic demand of consumers for their performances.[citation needed]

The categorization of 55 minority groups was a major step forward from denial of the existence of different ethnic groups in China which had been the policy of Sun Yet-Sen's Nationalist government that came to power in 1911, which also engaged in the common use of derogatory names to refer to minorities (a practice officially abolished in 1951).[3] However, the Communist Party's categorization was also rampantly criticized since it reduced the number of recognized ethnic groups by eightfold,[citation needed] and today the wei shibie menzu (literally 'undistinguished ethnic groups') total more than 730,000 people. These groups include Geija, Khmu, Kucong, Mang, Deng, Sherpas, Bajia and Youtai (Jewish).[citation needed]

After the breakup of Yugoslavia and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, there was a shift in official conceptions of minorities in China: rather than defining them as 'nationalities', they became 'ethnic groups'. The difference between 'nationality' and 'ethnicity', as Uradyn Erden-Bulag describes it, is that the former treats the minorities of China as societies with "a fully functional division of labor," history, and territory, whereas the latter treats minorities as a "category" and focuses on their maintenance of boundaries and their self-definition in relation to the majority group. These changes are reflected in uses of the term mínzú (民族) and its translations. The official journal Minzu Tuanjie changed its English name from Nationality Unity to Ethnic Unity in 1995. Similarly, the Central University for Nationalities changed its name to Minzu University of China. Scholars began to prefer the term zuqun (族群, 'ethnic group') over minzu.[23] The Chinese model for identifying and categorizing ethnic minorities established at the founding of the PRC followed the Soviet model, drawing inspiration from Joseph Stalin's 1953 'four commons' criteria to identify ethnic groups: "(1) a distinct language; (2) a recognized indigenous homeland or common territory; (3) a common economic life; and (4) a strong sense of identity and distinctive customs, including dress, religion and foods."[citation needed]

Following the breakup of the Soviet Union intellectuals and policymakers within China began to argue that the designation of minority groups could be a threat to the country. Violence in Xinjiang and Tibet provided evidence for this argument. Beijing University professor Ma Rong argued that the Chinese Communist Party had unwittingly created a "dual structure" of governance in which the representation and identity given to recognized ethnic groups would increase ethnocultural differences and create social conflict. He recommended new policies of ethnic fusion and assimilation. These proposals made by Ma and others were controversial at the time but they would find a place at the heart of the policy of the Xi Jinping administration. Xi has shifted state policy towards assimilation in what he calls the "grand minzu fusion" or "the coalescing of blood and minds."[24] The CCP under Xi has reacted to violence committed by a number of Uyghurs by the imprisonment of this group in the Xinjiang internment camps.[25]

In 2020 a Han Chinese was named director of the State Ethnic Affairs Commission for the first time since 1954.[24]

Ethnic groups[edit]

See also: List of ethnic groups in China

The Long-horn tribe, a small branch of ethnic Miao in the western part of Guizhou Province

China is officially composed of 56 ethnic groups (55 minorities plus the dominant Han). However, some of the ethnic groups as classified by the PRC government contain, within themselves, diverse groups of people. Various groups of the Miao minority, for example, speak different dialects of the Hmong–Mien languages, Tai–Kadai languages, and Chinese, and practice a variety of different cultural customs.[26] Whereas in many nations a citizen's minority status is defined by their self-identification as an ethnic minority, in China minority nationality (xiaoshu minzu) is fixed at birth, a practice that can be traced to the foundation of the PRC, when the Communist Party commissioned studies to categorize and delineate groups based on research teams' investigation of minorities' social history, economic life, language and religion in China's different regions.

The degree of variation between ethnic groups is not consistent. Many ethnic groups are described as having unique characteristics from other minority groups and from the dominant Han, but there are also some that are very similar to the Han majority group. Most Hui Chinese are indistinguishable from Han Chinese except for the fact that they practice Islam, and most Manchu are considered to be largely assimilated into dominant Han society.[citation needed]

China's official 55 minorities are located primarily in the south, west, and north of China. Only Tibet Autonomous Region and Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region have a majority population of official minorities, while all other provinces, municipalities and regions of China have a Han majority. In Beijing itself, the Han ethnic composition makes up nearly 96% of the total population, while the ethnic minority total is 4.31%, or a population of 584,692 (as of 2008).[citation needed]

Much of the dialog within China regarding minorities has generally portrayed minorities as being further behind the Han in progress toward modernization and modernity. Minority groups are often portrayed as rustic, wild, and antiquated. As the government often portrays itself as a benefactor of the minorities, those less willing to assimilate (despite the offers of assistance) are portrayed as masculine, violent, and unreasonable. Groups that have been depicted this way include the Tibetans, Uyghurs and the Mongols.[27] Groups that have been more willing to assimilate (and accept the help of the government) are often portrayed as feminine and sexual, including the Miao, Tujia and the Dai.[19]

Demographics[edit]

The largest ethnic group, Han, according to a 2005 sampling, constitute about 91.9% of the total population. The next largest ethnic groups in terms of population include the Zhuang (18 million), Manchu (10 million), Hui (10 million), Miao (9 million), Uyghur (8 million), Yi (7.8 million), Tujia (8 million), Mongols (5.8 million), Tibetans (5.4 million), Buyei (3 million), Yao (3.1 million), and Koreans (2.5 million). Minority populations have grown fast due to them being unaffected by the One Child Policy.[28]

List of ethnic groups[edit]

Ethnic minorities with low populations (fewer than 100,000 individuals) were not taken into account here.[29]

Ethnic Hans

Beijing Hans

Chongqing Hans

Gan Hans

Gansu Hans

Guizhou Hans

Hainan Hans

Hakka Hans

Hebei Hans

Heilongjiang Hans

Henan Hans

Hubei Hans

Jiaoliao Hans

Jilin & Liaoning Hans

Lower Yangtze Hans

Min Hans

Shaanxi Hans

Shandong Hans

Shanxi Hans

Sichuan Hans

Taiwan Hans

Tianjin Hans

Wu Hans

Xiang Hans

Yue Hans

Yunnan Hans

Ethnic minorities

Bai

Chinese Koreans

Dai

Dong

Evenki

Hani

Hui

Jingpo

Kazakhs

Kyrgyz

Lahu

Li

Lisu

Manchus

Maonan

Miao

Taiwanese indigenous people

Tajiks

Tibetans

Tujia

Uyghurs

Wa

Yao

Yi

Zhuang

Mongolian (sub)groups

Buryats

Chinese Mongols

Daurs

Khalka Mongols

Oirat Mongols

Undistinguished ethnic groups[edit]

Main article: Unrecognized ethnic groups in China

"Undistinguished" ethnic groups are ethnic groups that have not been officially recognized or classified by the central government. The group numbers more than 730,000 people, and would constitute the twentieth most populous ethnic group of China if taken as a single group. The vast majority of this group is found in Guizhou Province.[citation needed]

These "undistinguished ethnic groups" do not include groups that have been controversially classified into existing groups. For example, the Mosuo are officially classified as Naxi, and the Chuanqing are classified as Han Chinese, but they reject these classifications and view themselves as separate ethnic groups.

Citizens of mainland China who are of foreign origin are classified using yet another separate label: "foreigners naturalized into the Chinese citizenship" (外国人入中国籍). However, if a newly naturalized citizen already belongs to a recognized existing group among the 56 ethnic groups, then he or she is classified into that ethnic group rather than the special label.

Guarantee of rights and interests[edit]

Major Autonomous areas within Yunnan. (excluding Hui)

Major Autonomous areas within Guizhou. (excluding Hui)

Main article: Affirmative action in China

The PRC's Constitution and laws guarantee equal rights to all ethnic groups in China and help promote ethnic minority groups' economic and cultural development.[30] The constitution prohibits both discrimination and acts of disunity.[31] Articles 115 and 116 of the constitution state that in the provincial level autonomous regions and the autonomous prefectures and counties set aside for minority administration, local states via the local people's congresses "have the power to enact regulations on the exercise of autonomy and other separate regulations in the light of the political, economic, and cultural characteristics" of those areas.[31]

One notable preferential treatment ethnic minorities enjoy was their exemption from the population growth control of the One-Child Policy. But according to an investigative report by The Associated Press published at 28 June 2020, the Chinese government is taking draconian measures to slash birth rates among Uighurs and other minorities as part of a sweeping campaign to curb its Muslim population, even as it encourages some of the country's Han majority to have more children.[32]

While individual women have spoken out before about forced birth control, the practice is far more widespread and systematic than previously known, according to an AP investigation based on government statistics, state documents and interviews with 30 ex-detainees, family members and a former detention camp instructor. The campaign over the past four years in the far west region of Xinjiang is leading to what some experts are calling a form of "demographic genocide".[32] Ethnic minorities enjoy other special exemptions which vary by province- these include lower tax thresholds and lower required scores for entry into university. The use of these measures to raise ethnic minorities' human capital is seen by the central government as important for improving the economic development of ethnic minorities. Ethnic minorities are represented in the National People's Congress as well as governments at the provincial and prefectural levels. Some ethnic minorities in China live in what are described as ethnic autonomous areas. These "regional autonomies" guarantee ethnic minorities the freedom to use and develop their ethnic languages, and to maintain their own cultural and social customs. In addition, the PRC government has provided preferential economic development and aid to areas where ethnic minorities live. Furthermore, the Chinese government has allowed and encouraged the involvement of ethnic minority participation in the party. Even though ethnic minorities in China are granted specific rights and freedoms, many ethnic minorities still have headed towards the urban life in order to obtain a well paid job.[33]

Minorities have widely benefited from China's minimum livelihood guarantee program (known as the dibao) a programme introduced nationwide in 1999 whose number of participants had reached nearly twenty million by 2012. The nature of the selection process entails that the programme's providers be proactive and willing in seeking out impoverished prospective participants, as opposed to more comprehensive welfare schemes such as the Urban Resident Basic Medical Insurance Scheme (URBMI), which is universally implemented. As such, the selection process for participants in the dibao programme has generated a perception among observers of the scheme that this programme have been used to mitigate dissent and neutralize any threat to the government that could lead to unrest- including negative performance evaluations of local officials.[citation needed]

The Chinese government has committed a series of ongoing human rights abuses against Uyghurs and other ethnic and religious minorities in Xinjiang that is often characterized as Uyghurs genocide starting in 2014.

Religions and their most common affiliations[edit]

Buddhism/Taoism — the Miao (minority), Lisu (minority), Bai, Bulang, Dai, Jinuo, Jing, Jingpo, Mongol, Manchu, Naxi (including Mosuo), Nu, Tai, Tibetan, Zhuang (minority), Yi (minority), and Yugur ("Yellow Uyghurs").[34]

Eastern Orthodox Christianity — the Russians

Islam — the Hui, Uyghurs, Kazakhs, Dongxiang people, Kyrgyz people, Salar, Tajiks, Uzbeks, Bonans, and Tatars.[35]

Judaism — Kaifeng Jews

Protestant Christianity — the Lisu (70%; see Lisu Church)

Shamanism/Animism — Daur, Ewenkis, Oroqen, Hezhen, and Derung.

Ethnic Minority Representation in the leadership of the CCP[edit]

Since the People's Republic of China was established, ethnic minorities have made up around 10% of the Central Committee,[36][better source needed] whereas the rest of the members are of the Han Chinese ethnic group. That being said, a majority of the ethnic minority members of the Central Committee are alternate members.[36][better source needed] In the 19th Congress there are only 16 full time members who are ethnic minorities.[36][better source needed] While only 6 of the 55 ethnic minorities are represented in the Central Committee,[37] the percentage of ethnic minority members in the Central Committee exceeds the percentage of ethnic minority population in China. Ethnic minorities only make up roughly 7.5% of China's population, whereas 92% are Han Chinese,[38] the dominant ethnicity. Still the majority of ethnic minorities are severely underrepresented in the Central Committee.

A study conducted by three scholars in 2012, "Getting Ahead in the Communist Party: Explaining the Advancement of Central Committee Members", found that ethnic minorities had an advantage when being considered for promotion in Congress. They explain this phenomenon through the United Front policies that China has been engaged with since the Reform Era.[39] These policies attempt to promote stability and legitimacy among the ethnic minority population through concerted efforts to involve them in the country's politics . Thus the authors argue this is why ethnic minorities enjoyed an advantage in the Reform Period. Other scholars add that the Party is eager to include ethnic minorities in the government because of the backlash that China has faced from the rest of the world concerning the way they treated Tibet and most recently the Uyghurs in Xinjiang.[40] Including ethnic minorities in the Party's leadership adds to the "United Front" that China wants to portray.[41] Though they are included, it remains unclear as to what amount of influence they assert.[42]

See also[edit]

China portal

Affirmative action in China

Han Chinese subgroups

China National Ethnic Song and Dance Ensemble

Chinese nationality law

Demographics of the People's Republic of China and Taiwan

Demographics of China#Population density and distribution

Dzungar genocide

Ethnic groups in Chinese history

Ethnic issues in China

Graphic pejoratives in written Chinese

Human rights in China

List of Chinese administrative divisions by ethnic group

List of endangered languages in China

List of ethnic groups in China

Minzu University of China, a university in Beijing designated for ethnic minorities.

Secession in China

Sinocentrism

Taiwanese indigenous peoples

Unrecognized ethnic groups in China

Persecution of Uyghurs in China

Zhonghua minzu

References[edit]

^ "Ethnic Groups in China". English.gov.cn. 26 August 2014.

^ Wang Guanqun, ed. (28 April 2011). "Han Chinese proportion in China's population drops: census data". English.news.cn. Archived from the original on 2 May 2011.

^ a b c Binggao, Jin. [1987] 1988. "When Does The Word 'Minority Nationality' [Shaoshu Minzu] [First] Appear in Our Country?," translated by Tibet Information Network. Bulletin of the History of the Tibet Communist Party 1(19). p. 45 ff.

^ Chang, Ntxheb. "Conclusion: Splendid China and Being Minzu." Being Shaoshu Minzu in Contemporary China. US: Boston College. via Mediakron.

^ a b Moseley, George. "China's Fresh Approach to the National Minority Question." The China Quarterly.

^ a b Perry, Elizabeth J.; Selden, Mark, eds. (5 April 2010), "Alter/native Mongolian identity: From nationality to ethnic group", Chinese Society (0 ed.), Routledge, p. 284, doi:10.4324/9780203856314-17, ISBN 978-0-203-85631-4

^ Landis, Dan, and Rosita D. Albert. 2012. Handbook of Ethnic Conflict: International Perspectives. Springer. ISBN 978-1461404477. p. 182 (archived).

^ Lee Lawrence. (3 September 2011). "A Mysterious Stranger in China". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 31 August 2016.

^ Harrell, Stephan (1996). Cultural encounters on China's ethnic frontiers. Seattle: University of Washington Press. ISBN 978-0-295-97380-7.

^ Michaud J., 2009 Handling Mountain Minorities in China, Vietnam and Laos : From History to Current Issues. Asian Ethnicity 10(1): 25–49.

^ Blaut, J. M. (1987). "The Theory of National Minorities". The National Question: Decolonizing the Theory of Nationalism. London: Zed Books. ISBN 978-0-86232-439-1.

^ Ma, Rong (June 2010). "The Soviet Model's Influence and the Current Debate on Ethnic Relations". Global Asia.

^ a b American Asiatic Association (1940). Asia: journal of the American Asiatic Association, Volume 40. Asia Pub. Co. p. 660. Retrieved 8 May 2011.

^ Hartford Seminary Foundation (1941). The Moslem World, Volumes 31–34. Hartford Seminary Foundation. p. 182. Retrieved 8 May 2011.

^ Constitution of the People's Republic of China Archived 23 May 2006 at the Wayback Machine, 4 December 1982. Retrieved 27 February 2007.

^ Mullaney, Thomas (2010). "Seeing for the State: The Role of Social Scientists in China's Ethnic Classification Project". Asian Ethnicity. 11 (3): 325–342. doi:10.1080/14631369.2010.510874. S2CID 145787875.

^ Kaup, Katherine Palmer (2002). "Regionalism versus Ethnic nationalism". The China Quarterly. 172: 863–884. doi:10.1017/s0009443902000530. S2CID 154596032.

^ Mullaney, Thomas (2004). "Ethnic Classification Writ Large: The 1954 Yunnan Province Ethnic Classification Project and its Foundations in Republican-Era Taxonomic Thought". China Information. 18 (2): 207–241. doi:10.1177/0920203X04044685. S2CID 146596892.

^ a b Gladney, Dru C. (1994). "Representing Nationality in China: Refiguring Majority/Minority Identities". The Journal of Asian Studies. 53 (1): 92–123. doi:10.2307/2059528. JSTOR 2059528. S2CID 162540993.

^ "China - Ethnolinguistic Groups 1983". University of Texas Libraries. 1983. Retrieved 20 September 2019.

^ Oakes, Timothy S. (31 December 2017), Picard, Michel; Wood, Robert E. (eds.), "2. Ethnic Tourism in Rural Guizhou: Sense of Place and the Commerce of Authenticity", Tourism, Ethnicity, and the State in Asian and Pacific Societies, University of Hawaii Press, pp. 35–70, doi:10.1515/9780824865252-003, ISBN 978-0-8248-6525-2

^ Hillman, Ben (2003). "Paradise under Construction: Minorities, Myths and Modernity in Northwest Yunnan" (PDF). Asian Ethnicity. 4 (2): 177–190. doi:10.1080/14631360301654. S2CID 143987010.

^ Perry, Elizabeth J.; Selden, Mark; Uradyn Erden-Bulag. "Alter/native Mongolian identity: From nationality to ethnic group". Chinese Society: Change, conflict and resistance. Routledge. pp. 261–287. ISBN 978-0-203-85631-4.

^ a b Leibold, James. "Beyond Xinjiang: Xi Jinping's Ethnic Crackdown". thediplomat.com. The Diplomat. Retrieved 5 May 2021.

^ "Dismantling China's Muslim gulag in Xinjiang is not enough". The Economist. 9 January 2020. ISSN 0013-0613. Retrieved 16 November 2020. A tiny minority have made their displeasure known violently. China has reacted by building a vast network of prison camps and tossing perhaps 1m Uighurs into it for "vocational training"

^ Xiaobing Li, and Patrick Fuliang Shan, Ethnic China: Identity, Assimilation and Resistance, Lexington and Rowman & Littlefield, 2015.

^ Hillman, Ben (2006). "Macho Minority: Masculinity and Ethnicity on the Edge of Tibet" (PDF). Modern China. 32 (2): 251–272. doi:10.1177/0097700405286186. S2CID 53869758. Archived from the original (PDF) on 6 February 2016. Despite tremendous diversity among this broad and dubious ethnic category, the Han became the personification of the new nation and a symbol of modernity and progress. The new Communist Party leaders continued this project, presenting the Han peoples as the harbingers of modernity and progress, a beacon to the non- Han peoples of the political periphery who found themselves unwitting members of a new nation-state defined by clear borders (...) Ethnic minorities entered the national imagination as the primitive Other against which China's modern national identity could be constructed.

^ "MINORITIES IN CHINA | Facts and Details". Factsanddetails.com.

^ "China & Mongolia Regional DNA Project". Eupedia.

^ "Constitution of the People's Republic of China".

^ a b Lin, Chun (2006). The transformation of Chinese socialism. Durham [N.C.]: Duke University Press. p. 101. ISBN 978-0-8223-3785-0. OCLC 63178961.

^ a b AP’s global investigative team (28 June 2020). "China cuts Uighur births with IUDs, abortion, sterilization". Associated Press. Retrieved 1 August 2020.

^ Yardley, Jim (11 May 2008). "China Sticking With One-Child Policy". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 November 2008.

^ "Ethnic Groups". China.org.cn. Retrieved 7 March 2019.

^ Jackie Armijo (Winter 2006). "Islamic Education in China". Harvard Asia Quarterly. 10 (1). Archived from the original on 28 September 2007.

^ a b c "Periphery: Ethnic Minority Candidates for the 20th Central Committee". China-US Focus. 11 June 2022. Retrieved 22 September 2023.

^ "Who Rules China? Comparing Representation on the NPC and Central Committee". MacroPolo. Retrieved 22 September 2023.

^ Solis, Jacqueline. "LibGuides: Chinese Ethnic Groups: Overview Statistics". guides.lib.unc.edu. Retrieved 22 September 2023.

^ Shih, Victor; Adolph, Christopher; Liu, Mingxing (February 2012). "Getting Ahead in the Communist Party: Explaining the Advancement of Central Committee Members in China". American Political Science Review. 106 (1): 166–187. doi:10.1017/S0003055411000566. ISSN 0003-0554.

^ "Uyghurs | Human Rights Watch". www.hrw.org. Retrieved 22 September 2023.

^ Li, Cheng (2008). "Ethnic Minority Elites in China's Party-State Leadership". {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)

^ "How much of the NPC is composed of women and ethnic minorities?". South China Morning Post. 11 March 2021. Retrieved 22 September 2023.

Further reading[edit]

Tang, Wenfang and He, Gaochao. "Separate but Loyal: Ethnicity and Nationalism in China." Policy Studies 56. East–West Center.

China Ethnic Statistical Yearbook 2016

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From Assimilation to Autonomy: Realizing Ethnic Minority Rights in China's National Autonomous Regions | Chinese Journal of International Law | Oxford Academic

From Assimilation to Autonomy: Realizing Ethnic Minority Rights in China's National Autonomous Regions | Chinese Journal of International Law | Oxford Academic

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Volume 13

Issue 1

March 2014

Article Contents

Abstract

I. Introduction

II. The geographic and historical legacy

III. The Chinese Communist Party and the national minorities to the founding of the PRC in 1949

IV. Policies toward national minorities in the PRC: 1949–1978

V. Revival of ethnic awareness and return to pluralism: reality and policy in the Reform Era (1978 to present)

VI. Placing China's minority rights in international law perspectives: the way forward

VII. Conclusion

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From Assimilation to Autonomy: Realizing Ethnic Minority Rights in China's National Autonomous Regions

Xiaohui Wu

Xiaohui Wu

(email: xiaohui.wu99@gmail.com)

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*Member of the Chinese Society of International Law, Beijing; S.J.D., University of Toronto; formerly Team Leader of the Rule of Law and Democracy Team at the United Nations Development Programme China Office. The paper was completed on 12 February 2014. Unless otherwise stated, the websites referenced were last accessed on the date that the paper was completed.

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Chinese Journal of International Law, Volume 13, Issue 1, March 2014, Pages 55–90, https://doi.org/10.1093/chinesejil/jmu006

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15 April 2014

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Xiaohui Wu, From Assimilation to Autonomy: Realizing Ethnic Minority Rights in China's National Autonomous Regions, Chinese Journal of International Law, Volume 13, Issue 1, March 2014, Pages 55–90, https://doi.org/10.1093/chinesejil/jmu006

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Abstract

This article examines regional autonomy in China's ethnic minority areas and its implications for minority rights in China. It argues that China's regional autonomy regime is in need of improvement in quest for national unity, social harmony and equality among ethnic groups in China. In light of past State–minority relations, as well as changing conditions in China, and by reference to international experience, the article offers suggestions for China to improve and implement minority rights legislation and policies. It argues that, under the existing political system in view of the existing basic framework on minorities, the Chinese State should adopt a new approach which encompasses elements of rule of law, deliberative democracy and international human rights standards. The new approach should guarantee respect for minority identities and seek means of establishing their respective autonomies and realizing their special rights. It should focus as much on the process as on the decisions, on the voices as on the results and on the individuals as on the groups. In this way, China's national regional autonomy would be oriented towards a complete policy of commitment to pluralistic values within the Chinese polity and would be more likely to satisfy the minority aspirations and the State's need for national stability and unity.

I. Introduction

1. The issue of ethnic minority rights in China's national autonomous regions poses great challenges for China in terms of national unity, economic development, social stability and human rights protection. Historically, China is a multi-ethnic country formed through territorial expansion and a fusion of different peoples over the course of history. Its widely dispersed population is characterized by tremendous geographic, linguistic, cultural and religious diversity. The dominant ethnic group in China is known as the Han nationality, which has approximately 12.3 billion people. There are about 114 million people in China who are officially recognized as national minorities.12. Since antiquity, problems involving national minorities have been the source of intense feelings and conflict. They have also weighed constantly as an important issue for China's rulers. In the last three decades, ethnic relations between the Han nationality and minority nationalities have become more problematic as the long record of tension and conflict continues. Ethnic tensions and unrest in China have emerged as a subject of policy debate, academic research and global attention in the last three decades.2 The Janus face of regional autonomy in today's China has often obfuscated our understanding of its historical roots, complex processes and empirically observable outcomes. An examination of China's experience with its ethnic minority regions is much in order if we are to understand the full complexity and dynamics of ethnic minority rights in China. The purpose of this article is to examine regional autonomy in China's ethnic minority areas and its implications for minority rights in China. It will focus on the indispensable role of regional autonomy in protecting and realizing minority rights in China, on the assumption that China's regional autonomy regime is in need of a thorough inquiry in quest of national unity, social harmony and full equality among ethnic groups in China.3. This article will proceed as follows. Section II sets the stage by looking back at the geographic and historical background of China's ethnic majority–minority relations, as it is helpful to understand national/regional conditions and historical antecedents before laying the groundwork for an inquiry of minority rights in China. Section III conducts an investigation of the minority policy history of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP, or “the Party”) in terms of its ideological, historical and political sources, from the early days of the CCP in the 1920s to the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949. Section IV details the interplay between the Party's policy on national regional autonomy and State laws during the period of 1949 and 1978. Section V explains the remarkable revival of ethnic awareness and tension in the reform era and the return to pluralism on the part of the CCP and the Chinese government. It also examines the attempt of the Chinese leadership to establish a comprehensive legal system that warrants equal rights for all nationalities and regional autonomy for national minorities. In Section VI, on the basis of the result of comparative law studies, this article will discuss how international human rights law and jurisprudence may help in the improvement and creation of a better implementation system for national regional autonomy in China. Section VII concludes the article. The article does not purport to be in any way exhaustive, on the understanding that the exploration for any solution to existing problems, which are of a complex nature and which affect almost all spheres of the Chinese society, is a task for several branches of social sciences, with an essential yet by no means exclusive role reserved for law. Hence, the article will focus only on issues of importance to law and ethnic minority rights. II. The geographic and historical legacy

4. There are, in all, 56 officially recognized ethic groups or “minzu” (nationalities) incorporated into the territory of the PRC.3 According to the 2011 National Population Census, the largest ethnic group, the Han nationality, constitutes about 91.51 per cent of the Chinese population. Some 8.49 per cent of the population is officially identified as “minority nationalities”. There is a great variation in the size of these minority groups. No one is especially large. The most populous group is the Zhuang nationality, with more than 17 million people. The least populous, the Lhoba nationality, numbered only 2965 in the 2000 census. More famous perhaps are the Tibetans (5.4 million), Mongols (5.8 million) and Uighurs (8.4 million).4 National minorities are found in all parts of the country. The number of China's national minorities is small relative to its total population, but the areas they have traditionally inhabited account for almost 60 per cent of the territory of the country, mainly the border and remote areas which are of strategic importance and are extremely rich in natural resources.55. The languages spoken by China's national minorities range widely, belonging to four of the world's largest language families: Sino-Tibetan, Turkic-Altaic, Austro-Asiatic and Indo-European.6 Some minorities such as the Tibetans, Mongols and Koreans have a very rich literature, while others lack written scripts. Also in terms of culture and religion, features of the Zhuangs, Manchus and Koreans are in many ways similar to features of the Han socio-cultural organization. At the other end of the spectrum there are minorities such as the Tibetans, Uygurs, Kazakhs who have distinct, strong cultures, fine literature and arts and pervasive religions with clergies that used to exert powerful social and political influence. The religions with the most numerous adherents are Islam and Buddhism. There are also Catholics and Protestants, especially in the border areas of Southwest China. Many national minorities have maintained their own “tribal religions”.7 Considerable differences also exist among national minorities with respect to political systems, social relations and stages of economic development. Some national minorities, such as the Mongols, Manchus or Tibetans, once established States quite independent of the Chinese empire. Some of the minorities retained the slave or serf systems and the hunter-gatherer economy into the 1950s. Some even had no class structures formed when the PRC was established in 1949.86. Historically, people living within the regions of what we know today as China belonged to numerous ethnic groups.9 Relations between the majority, the Han, and other minority groups have rarely been easy.10 Peoples other than the Han were considered to be culturally and technologically inferior to the Han and were generally referred to as “the barbarians”.11 In 221 B.C., the Kingdom of Qin conquered all Han Chinese feudal States and expanded to incorporate many non-Han areas within its borders. Non-Han peoples were either expelled to ever more marginal lands or assimilated into the conquering Han Chinese. In the succeeding Han Dynasty, the Chinese court adopted a policy of reliance upon the attractions of Chinese culture and civilization. Chiefs of the neighbouring “barbarian” tribes were enticed or pressured to pay regular tributes as a token of their submission to the Chinese emperor. They were often rewarded for subjugation with imperial posts and titles as well as precious gifts such as gold, silks, tea and china. In many cases, the rewards given by the Han emperor were far in excess of the tributes that the barbarians had paid.12 Even though the tributary system was sometimes expensive to the Chinese court, politically and culturally it did allow many of the neighbouring barbarians to fit into the Chinese imperial order by allowing them to exercise autonomous rule under varying degrees of Chinese imperial supervision and control.13 Of course, the policy of appeasement and diplomacy was always backed by military force. Military campaigns were frequently taken against the barbarians beyond the range of the Chinese emperor's mandate to secure the border regions or expand the territory. By means of the “carrot and stick” policy, the Chinese empire managed to take control of enormous territories previously inhabited by the barbarians over the long course of history.7. However, the more effective force behind Chinese imperial expansion was the influence of Chinese cultural and material civilization rather than military conquest or coercion. The traditional Chinese worldview saw China as the centre of the world and the hub of civilization. As far as the Chinese were concerned, it was a favour on their part to bestow the blessings of their own cultural and material civilization onto the “uncivilized barbarians”. As Thierry describes, the Han Chinese used to think that: The basis of the difference between the Hans and the Barbarians was not originally of an ethnic nature, but rested on a relationship to Civilization, since for the Chinese there is Civilization … And the relevant criterion to establish this difference is sedentarization; the civilized one is the one who constructs towns and devotes himself to agriculture. … The nature of Barbarians is to wander like animals in zones unsuited to sedentary culture such as steppes and mountains …14Han-Chinese were notoriously contemptuous of the non-Chinese peoples who did not share their language, values and moral principles, methods of agriculture, lifestyles or other cultural attributes.15 They considered the barbarians to be uncivilized and without culture, yet assimilated them culturally and integrated them politically into the Han Chinese commonwealth. Confucian cultural consciousness tended to deny the very existence of minority cultures. In Confucianism, there was no concept of Chinese culture and other cultures, only Chinese culture or no culture at all.16 Because the criterion that differentiated the Han Chinese and the barbarians was mainly of a cultural nature, barbarians could become members of the Chinese commonwealth by adopting the Han Chinese culture and moral principles. Time and again in Chinese history “barbarians” were made “Chinese” and even given high posts in the government.8. Confucianism called for a policy of propagating Chinese culture and Confucian moral teachings to win over the barbarians. Believing in the universality of Chinese culture and kingship, Master Confucius favoured a benevolent attitude towards the barbarians. He argued that China would benefit if the barbarians would “come and be transformed” by the superior Chinese culture. He had remarked in the Analects that “if remoter people are not submissive, all the influences of civil culture and virtue are to be cultivated to attract them to be so; and when they have been so attracted, they must be made contented and tranquil”.17 However, this idealistic theory of cultural persuasion was seldom followed in practice. More often than not, the dominant concern of China's imperial politics was not to integrate culturally the peoples on the periphery of the Chinese empire, but rather to control them. The long tradition of Chinese imperial statecraft developed the use of both persuasion and coercion as inter-dependent strategies to maintain central control over the barbarians, with sufficient native support to ensure the need for minimal imperial government personnel and resources.18 Minority peoples' political leaders were allowed to exercise autonomous rule because that allowed the Chinese empire to control the minority regions more effectively. Dreyer suggested that the goal of Chinese imperial policy toward ethnic minorities was “a pluralistic form of integration that aimed at little more than control. Abstention from aggression and a vague commitment of loyalty to the emperor and the Confucian values he embodied were sufficient to attain this level of integration. Barbarians' traditional customs, languages, and governing systems were not interfered with so long as they did not pose a threat to the Chinese state”.199. The downfall of the Qing dynasty in 1911 marked the beginning of a post-imperial era for China. Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the founder of the Republic of China (ROC), recognized the existence of four distinct minority groups in China, i.e., the Manchus, Mongolians, Tibetans and Huis (a term that included Muslims in China) and the equality of all ethnic groups.20 However, he was also of the opinion that because of the absolute prominence of the Han and the insignificant numbers of minorities, the Chinese State was essentially composed of one nationality.21His ultimate goal was assimilationist, to “facilitate the dying out of all names of individual peoples inhabiting China,” and to unify and fuse all the peoples into “a single cultural and political whole”.22 A few years later, under the influence of the Soviet Union and Comintern, Dr. Sun added the concepts of self-determination and autonomy for minorities to his policy platform. But these concepts were never properly implemented by Dr. Sun or his Nationalist followers.23 Dr. Sun's successor, Chiang Kai-shek, adopted an even more explicitly assimilationist policy, claiming the common ancestry of all inhabitants of China. Chiang's assertion was: “That there are five peoples designated in China is not due to differences of race or blood but to religion and geographical environment. In short, the differentiation among China's five peoples is due to regional and religious factors, and not to race or blood.”24 The assimilationist policy of Chiang's Nationalist government had few practical consequences for ethnic minorities themselves, because many of the minority regions were under the control of semi-independent warlords or native ruling elites throughout the Nationalist period. Preoccupied with fighting sundry warlords, Japanese aggression and the Communists, the Nationalist government paid little attention to minority areas and, in any event, had limited resources to implement its minority policies.2510. To sum up, the traditional relations of the Han Chinese with non-Han minority peoples generally were coloured by Chinese imperial domination and the assumption of Chinese cultural superiority. On the part of the Chinese State, there were two parallel tendencies, one toward assimilation and the other toward pluralism, as the most effective means for dealing with ethnic minorities. The two tendencies were often complementary—parts of a single policy to maintain Chinese imperial order and to secure a superior–inferior relation between the dominant Han majority and the non-Han minorities. Both had important implications for later PRC policy toward national minorities. III. The Chinese Communist Party and the national minorities to the founding of the PRC in 1949

11. The Chinese Communist Party was founded in 1921. From early on, the nationality doctrine of the CCP has closely followed the teachings of Karl Marx and V.I. Lenin and the theory and practice of the Soviet Union on the management of nationality problems.26 In 1922, the Manifesto of the Second CCP Congress recognized the equality of the nationalities.27 The manifesto proposed the establishment of a Chinese federal republic where Mongolia, Tibet and Eastern Turkestan (Xinjiang) were to be autonomous States, united with China proper on the basis of their free will.28 When the short-lived Chinese Soviet Republic was established in the rural areas controlled by the CCP in 1931, the CCP adopted a Draft Constitution and a resolution on the nationality question in China, both explicitly recognizing the right to self-determination of national minorities.29 Closely modelled on the 1924 Constitution of the Soviet Union, Article 14 of the Draft Constitution provided that: All Mongolians, Tibetans, Miao, Yao, Koreans and others living on the territory of China shall enjoy the full right to self-determination, i.e., they may either join the Union of Chinese Soviets or secede from it and form their own state as they may prefer. The Soviet regime of China will do its utmost to assist the national minorities in liberating themselves from the yoke of imperialists, the Nationalist militarists, tusi [native officials], the princes, lams and others, and in achieving complete freedom and autonomy. The Soviet regime must encourage the development of the national cultures and the national languages of these peoples.30The question which puzzled many was how the Communists, with a strong sense of Chinese nationalism and national unity and deep roots in centuries-long Chinese imperial tradition, could promise with such apparent ease the right of ethnic minorities to self-determination, secession and independence. According to Dreyer, the CCP nationality policy during the pre-1935 period may have been formulated to garner the support of national minorities and alleviate their traditional fears of Han control and assimilation.31 Another important factor may have been the heavy influence of the Comintern whose agents dominated the CCP policy-making during the pre-1935 period. This might explain why the Leninist nationality policy, including supporting the right of national minorities to secession and independence, was unquestioningly adopted by the CCP with little regard to the tradition and realities of the Chinese State.12. This idealistic policy changed with the rise to power of Mao Zedong in 1935.32 Mao was a strongly nationalistically minded politician and independent of the guidance of the Comintern. He was critical of the nationality policy prior to his coming to power and reversed the Party's stand on the right of national minorities to secession and independence. His vision of the Chinese State was that of a unified State with a population composed of many nationalities which were equal and had the right to self-government. National minorities should not be forced to be assimilated into the Han Chinese but were to be encouraged to preserve and develop their own cultures, languages and customs.3313. Mao's ideas were later incorporated into official CCP policy on national minorities and put into practice in the CCP-controlled areas. From 1936 to 1949, several Huis (Chinese Muslim) and Mongol national autonomous governments were established by the CCP. The largest was the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region set up in 1947, two years before the establishment of the PRC, in an attempt to prevent Inner Mongolia from separating from China and uniting with the independent, Soviet-backed Mongolian People's Republic (Outer Mongolia).3414. To sum up, the CCP minority policy prior to the coming into being of the PRC included the equality of nationalities, the right to self-government within a unified Chinese State, a united front with co-operative native ruling elite against the Nationalist government and “foreign imperialist encroachments” in the border areas and respect for minority cultures, customs and languages. IV. Policies toward national minorities in the PRC: 1949–1978

15. After the PRC was founded in 1949, the CCP considered nationality policy to be of utmost importance and exerted great effort to establish a set of policies and measures to deal with its nationality problems. The reasons are not difficult to find. First and foremost, the CCP nationality policy is dominated here by nationalistic concerns and a perceived need to control remote border regions that might otherwise fall under the influence of hostile foreign or domestic forces. The ethnic minorities inhabit 50–60 per cent of China's territory, principally the strategic national border areas, which are as important for their rich deposits of raw materials as they are for defense. Also, the policy toward minorities is informed by an ideologically motivated desire to make of China “one big co-operative family”—that is, to obtain the collaboration of all the peoples living in China in building a new socialist State. In the early 1950s, the CCP and the Chinese government followed a policy based on the notion that the PRC was a “unitary multinational country”.35 This notion involved two principles balanced against each other: that minority regions were integral parts of China, any possibility of secession or independence being absolutely ruled out under any circumstances; and national minorities should be treated equally and were to enjoy national regional autonomy in areas where they were concentrated. A system of national regional autonomy was formally introduced into the Common Program of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference—the PRC's provisional constitution—to allow national minorities a limited degree of autonomy.36 It was also laid down in Article 3 of the 1954 Constitution of the PRC, which provided that: The People's Republic of China is a unitary multinational state. All the nationalities are equal. Discrimination against or oppression of any nationality, and acts which undermine the unity of the nationalities, are prohibited.All the nationalities have the freedom to use and develop their own spoken and written languages, and to preserve or reform their own customs and ways.Regional autonomy applies in areas where a minority nationality lives in a compact community. All the national autonomous areas are inseparable parts of the People's Republic of China.3716. The PRC government claimed the national regional autonomy system to be in line with the actual situation in China and in accordance with Marxist-Leninist doctrines on nationality relations. It argued that China had historically been a unified State with centralized power.38 Over the course of history, nationalities grew closer because of regular cultural interchange and economic co-operation, and the unification of nationalities was a natural course. The areas populated by minority nationalities remained integral parts of China for hundreds of years. There was no need for them to separate from their great “motherland”. Moreover, because the Han Chinese were more economically and culturally advanced, ran the argument, it was in the fundamental interest of national minorities to stay in the PRC so that they could flourish with the assistance of the Han.3917. The national regional autonomy system was also justified on the ground of geographic distribution of the nationality population. China's national minority areas are often co-inhabited by two or more nationalities. None of China's minorities, it was claimed, was in exclusive possession of contiguous territories free of other minorities or Han Chinese. For example, Xinjiang is regarded as the place where Uygurs are concentrated, and yet there are thirteen other nationalities there.40 The CCP claimed that this type of situation made an ethnically oriented federal system in China unworkable and impractical. Rather, the national regional autonomy system was deemed the most appropriate for China's minorities to enjoy the right to national autonomy, because only under this system could all nationalities—those with large populations as well as those with small compact ones, those which live in big compact communities as well as those which live in small ones—set up their autonomous governments commensurate with their size.41 Under the 1954 Constitution, autonomous governments might be established at the autonomous region (equivalent to a province), autonomous prefecture, autonomous county and autonomous township levels. With the level of autonomy being dependent on the population and the size of a given region, the national regional autonomy system was said to be the “only possibility” for all nationalities to exercise autonomy in their scattered areas of concentration.42 For instance, while the majority of the population in Jinlin Province were Han, there was a large Korean community concentrated in the Yanbian area, which made up 74 per cent of the total population in 1952. Since the province and the national autonomous region were of equal administrative status under the PRC constitutions, Jinlin Province was not permitted to have a national autonomous region established within its boundaries. Instead, a Korean national autonomous prefecture (zi-zhi-zhou) was set up in 1952 as a sub-provincial administrative unit of Jinlin Province to let the Koreans in Yanbian practise self-government.43 Although the administrative status of the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture was one level below the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region, the substance of autonomous rights enjoyed by the Koreans in Yanbian was essentially no different from that of the Mongols in Inner Mongolia. Because the national regional autonomy system allowed autonomous entities to be organized at different administrative levels rather than at a single level (as would be the case under the standard federal system), the CCP claimed to have found a flexible and practical system of autonomous entities for all national minorities to enjoy special rights and benefits. The late premier of the PRC, Zhou Enlai, called the policy of national regional autonomy the nucleus of CCP minority policy, claiming that the system was “a correct combination of national autonomy and regional autonomy, a correct combination of economic and political factors; this not only makes it possible for a nationality living in a compact community to enjoy the right to autonomy, but also enables nationalities which live together to enjoy the right of autonomy … Such a system is a creation hitherto unknown in history”44 (emphasis added).18. During the period from 1949 to 1957, the minority policy of the Chinese government can best be described as one of gradualism and pluralism.45 The PRC government held a relatively tolerant and benign attitude toward minorities, and made considerable concessions and exemptions to accommodate local conditions. Traditionalist Han attitudes toward minorities, labelled “Great Hanism”, were condemned by the Party propaganda. Han officials were required to respect local customs, cultures and religious traditions. Upper class secular and religious minority leaders were invited to join the newly established national autonomous bodies and take up honorific positions. The Chinese government introduced a plan called “nationalization of the administrative bodies of regional autonomy”, which was designed to ensure a number of minority representatives on government bodies proportional to their percentage of the population in the autonomous regions. Enormous efforts were made to train and promote skilled, professional minority officials.46 Open class struggle and mass political campaigns, so prevalent in other parts of the country at that time, were purposefully avoided to dispel minorities' fears of Han repression. The PRC government engaged in social engineering on a large scale, starting various types of relief work, introducing new technology, tackling illiteracy and disease and constructing energy, communication and transportation projects in minority areas. It is fair to say that nationalities questions were generally handled with sensitivity in the early 1950s. As a result, relations between the Han Chinese and minorities improved.19. The policy of gradualism and pluralism came abruptly to an end in 1957 when the political winds in Beijing shifted to radical leftism.47 Accordingly, the Party policy with respect to national minorities saw a rather drastic reversion towards assimilation of minorities. A series of radical leftist programs were brought into minorities areas to accelerate forced socialist transformation of minority societies. When Mao hastily launched the large-scale collectivization program in 1958, the rural areas inhabited by the Uygurs, Koreans, Mongols and Miaos were included, along with the Han areas. The Chinese government started encouraging minorities to abandon their old customs and traditions, learn the written and spoken Chinese language and wear Mao-style suits. Many of those who asserted their ethnic identity were purged in the Anti-Rightists Movement for the sin of “local nationalism”.48 During the Cultural Revolution (1967–1976), minorities experienced the most assimilative period in the history of the PRC. Although the policy of national autonomy and equality remained on the book, they were discarded in reality. Harsh class struggle, repeated political campaigns and mass social mobilization were pursued on daily basis to achieve complete socialist transformation.49 The ruthless assimilative policy had dramatic effects on national minorities as well as their relations with the Chinese government and the Han Chinese. With little surprise, the policy of forced assimilation gave rise to ethnic conflicts, tensions and violence.50 V. Revival of ethnic awareness and return to pluralism: reality and policy in the Reform Era (1978 to present)

20. After Deng Xiaoping came to power in the late 1970s, virtually every former Party policy connected with radical leftism and the Cultural Revolution was reassessed. The extreme assimilationist policies that the radical leftists tried to implement in the Cultural Revolution were soon discontinued, while the Party formally admitted serious mistakes made in the past handling of minorities. In the early 1980s, the priority of the Party's nationality policy was modified to centre on economic development and effective implementation of the national regional autonomy system.51 As Dreyer has observed, the main change in policy toward minorities might be motivated by several reasons. Firstly, the post-Mao leadership had a strong interest in developing the minority areas and in utilizing their rich resources to fuel the modernization drive. The minority areas are among the poorest and least-developed regions in China. Minorities needed a greater say in matters concerning the development of local economy and the exploitation of natural resources that were to be used to benefit the local population.52 Secondly, a special treatment of the minorities would help convince Taiwan to accept a similar status of autonomy within the PRC.53 Thirdly, China's nationality policy was closely intertwined with its foreign policy. Many minority nationalities such as the Koreans, Mongols, Kazakhs, Uygurs, Miaos and Zhuangs have relatives outside China's borders. A favourable treatment of minorities would certainly help China maintain a friendly relationship with those relevant neighbouring countries and strengthen China's internal stability and defense capacity.5421. The loosening of political and economic restrictions and the return to pluralistic policies led to a revival of nationalist consciousness in many parts of the minority areas. Contrary to the Chinese government's expectations that economic and social liberalization and improvement in living standards would alleviate minorities' dissatisfaction with the Chinese rule, in the late 1970s minorities began vehemently to assert their national identity and to demand that their rights to national autonomy be formally respected.55 Minorities' discontent for the first time received public attention through the mass media at the third session of the National People's Congress in 1980 when minority deputies openly voiced sharp criticisms, claims and suggestions concerning the CCP's nationality policy.56 They demanded an effective implementation and expansion of national autonomy in all dimensions. Following this event, there was an extensive discussion about the real meaning of the term “national autonomy” in Chinese governmental and academic circles as well as in minority regions. While substantial disagreements existed as to what national autonomy was all about and how far it could or should go in self-administration and policy-making, consent was reached on one point—that further legislation was needed to enhance legal guarantees of, and the rights to, self-government.5722. The 1982 Constitution devotes a great amount of space to national minority issues. It reaffirms the equality of all nationalities, protects the lawful rights and interests of all national minorities, and prohibits the discrimination against and oppression of any nationality.58 It provides detailed provisions for national autonomy similar to those in the 1954 Constitution but gives national minorities more rights than they ever had before. Under the 1982 Constitution, the rights of national minorities to autonomy have mainly three components: Political Autonomy: The Constitution guarantees certain autonomous political rights for national minorities. It stipulates that the chairmanship and vice-chairmanships of the standing committee to the people's congress of an autonomous unit shall include a citizen or citizens of the nationality or nationalities exercising regional autonomy in the area concerned; the administrative head of an autonomous area shall be a member of the nationality, or of one of the nationalities, exercising regional autonomy.59 The autonomous authorities exercise the same powers as local organs of the State; at the same time, they exercise the right of autonomy within the limits of their authority as prescribed by the Constitution, the law of national regional autonomy and other laws.60 More significantly, the people's congresses of national autonomous areas are empowered to enact autonomy regulations and specific regulations in light of the political, economic and cultural characteristics of the nationality or nationalities who practice autonomy.61 These autonomous regulations become effective only after being approved by the standing committee of the higher-level people's congress.Economic Autonomy: Autonomous organs are granted broad authority to administer local economy and finances. They have the power to run the local economy “under the guidance of state plans” and to manage and use all locally generated revenues on their own.62 The State is to give “due consideration” to local circumstances when exploiting natural resources in autonomous areas. Moreover, the State is obliged to give financial, material and technical assistance to the minority nationalities to accelerate their economic development.63Language, Educational and Cultural Rights: National minorities have the right to use and develop their own languages and freedom to preserve their own customs. For example, in national autonomous areas, court hearings should be conducted in the language(s) in common use in the locality; indictments, judgments, notices and other documents should be written in the relevant nationality language(s). Translation should be provided for any participants who do not know the relevant language in court hearings.64Autonomous authorities are independently to administer educational, scientific, cultural and public health affairs in the locality, protect the cultural heritage of the national minorities and work towards the development and prosperity of their cultures. In performing their functions, autonomous authorities should use the spoken and written language or languages in common use in the locality.6523. Based on the relevant articles of the 1982 Constitution, a new Law on National Regional Autonomy was passed by the National People's Congress in 1984 (amended in 2001) to provide further legal guarantees for autonomous rights. The law strengthens and, in some aspects, expands previously existing autonomous rights which are formulated in very general terms in the 1982 Constitution. For instance, the Constitution explicitly provides that autonomous authorities have the right not only to draw up local legislation with respect to regional autonomy and other regulations appropriate to the political, economic and cultural characteristics of the locality, but also to alter or cease to implement any laws or regulations issued by the central authorities if these laws and regulations do not suit the local conditions.66 Over half of the autonomous units have passed autonomy laws and special statuary provisions dealing with a wide range of issues, such as management of natural resources, economic development, environmental protection, land utilization, foreign trade and investment, marriage and family law and so on.67 The law also grants broader rights to autonomous authorities to manage the local economy, allowing autonomous governments to adopt special policies and flexible measures in accordance with local economic conditions and to promulgate its own economic policies and plans in light of the local economic conditions. As for relations between the autonomous unit and the State, the State is committed to providing financial and other support and assistance.6824. The 1982 Constitution and the Law on National Regional Autonomy of 1984 have granted national minorities the most pluralistic rights in comparison with any of the previous legislation. Questions arise as to how genuine national regional autonomy is in the reform era. To answer the question, it is necessary to examine the achievements and the limitations, the legal form and the actual practice, of the national regional autonomy system. The present Chinese government and the CCP tend to point to the achievements of the revitalized national regional autonomy system. For example, many new autonomous units were set up in the 1980s and 1990s. By 1992, there were five autonomous regions, thirty autonomous prefectures, 124 autonomous counties and 1,200 autonomous townships; their combined area covered 64.5 per cent of the PRC's total territory.69 National minorities were exempted from the “one child” policy, which was strictly implemented among the Han Chinese. Between 1982 and 1990 censuses, while the Han population grew by a total of 10 per cent, the minority increased by 35 per cent overall. One of the most striking cases was that of Manchus, the ethnic group that ruled the Chinese empire from 1644 to 1911 and was generally regarded to have gradually assimilated into the Han majority since the fall of Qing dynasty. Their population increased by 128 per cent during the 1982–1990 period, from 4.3 million to 9.8 million.70 In the 1982 and 1990 national censuses, as many as 14 million people who had previously identified themselves as Han came out and registered as minority nationalities.71 It became even more popular among certain groups of people seeking to be officially recognized as national minorities, after the Chinese government initiated several affirmative action programs in the 1980s. Under these programs, national minorities were granted such privileges as exemption from the “one-child” policy, tax reduction, preference for admission to institutions of higher education and more religious and cultural freedom from government interference.72 There has been increased representation of national minorities in the National People's Congress, the government and the CCP. According to official data, “[i]n all NPCs, the proportions of deputies of ethnic minorities among the total number of deputies have been higher than the proportions of their populations in the nation's total population in the corresponding periods. Of the 161 members of the 11th NPC Standing Committee held in March 2009, 25 were from ethnic minorities, accounting for 15.53 percent of the total.”73 Special efforts have been made to train new Party cadres and government officials of minority background. As a result, cadres of minority background account for a fair proportion of cadres in the central and local State organs, including administrative, judicial and procuratorial organs.7425. After three decades of policy vacillation between pluralism and forced assimilationism, the present Chinese government claims to have established a comprehensive legal system that affords equal rights for all nationalities and regional autonomy for national minorities. However, despite the liberalization of previously very repressive policies, ethnic issues have remained a source of dissatisfaction, conflict and even violence in recent years, mainly due to uneven implementation of the laws and central policies on national regional autonomy.7526. To sum up, the PRC nationality policy from the 1980s has undoubtedly been an improvement over the policies of the previous periods. The new policy represents a return to a philosophy of pluralism, which acknowledges the distinctiveness of national minorities and shows a higher degree of tolerance for political, social and cultural diversity. The PRC Constitution guarantees that national minorities have the right to self-government and enjoy certain privileges over the Han majority. However, due to uneven implementation of national laws and central policies, genuine national autonomy has yet to be fully achieved in reality. VI. Placing China's minority rights in international law perspectives: the way forward

27. Without a doubt, ethnic minority rights issues in China have begun to influence domestic decision-making and legislation and China's international image. Many contemporary studies and reports focus on the adverse disparities experienced by ethnic minorities, and have empirically proven that minorities disproportionately suffer adverse effects of China's rapid socio-economic transition, rich–poor polarization and political impasse. More efforts are needed to compare China's minority rights to that of international human rights law. The purpose of this section is to place China's minority rights regime in international law perspectives so as to make a comparison of the legal status of ethnic minorities in China against universal human rights standards and to propose ways and means suitable for facilitating and developing equal protection of minority rights in China. VI.A. Minority rights and international law

28. Internationally speaking, demands by minority groups to preserve their cultural, religious and ethnic differences emerged with the creation of nation States after the Peace of Westphalia in 1648.76 The first truly international system for the protection of minority rights began with the League of Nations through the adoption of a series of treaties addressing specific minority problems in Eastern and Central Europe and containing elements of anti-discriminatory, developmental and even affirmative group rights.77 However, the League's minorities system ultimately failed.29. The replacement of the League of Nations with the United Nations in 1945 ushered in a new, universal system of human rights, which gradually developed a number of norms, procedures and mechanisms concerned with minorities. The UN Charter makes the protection of human rights a fundamental purpose of the United Nations and obligates member States to promote universal respect for human rights and not to discriminate on the basis of race, sex, language or religion in implementing human rights obligations.78 Furthermore, Article 55 of the UN Charter notes that peaceful and friendly relations among nations should be based upon respect of the principle of equal rights and self-determination; while Article 56 provides that member States shall pledge themselves “to take joint and separate action in co-operation with the [United Nations] Organization” for the achievement of universal respect for and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction based on race, sex, language or religion.79 Based on this broad mandate, the principles underlying this approach found their concrete expression in the text of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 1948, on which much of the formative content of international human rights law draws.80 Arguably, the UDHR can be regarded as an authoritative interpretation of the UN Charter's human rights principles and qualify as customary international law which binds all States in the international community.81 It is important to note, however, that the UDHR was adopted upon the notion that a great deal of the horror of World War II was premised on viewing people as members of this or that group rather than as individuals. Major UN powers attempted to forge a new way of human rights protection from the ashes of the previous regime, that is, that the rights of all people are best assured when the rights of each person are effectively protected.82 As a result, the UDHR does not deal directly with the problem of minorities generally, much less with specific issues raised by minority groups such as religion, language or culture. Until the end of the Cold War, the UN and other international organs were generally more interested in protecting individual rights than in developing a specific regime for the protection of minorities.30. The world witnessed a rapid expansion of international human rights law in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966 (ICCPR) codified classical human rights for the protection of individual fundamental rights and freedoms.83 The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of 1966 (ICESCR) provides for economic, social and cultural rights aimed at improving the economic, social and cultural conditions of the individual.84 These two covenants are known as the International Bill of Rights and were drafted to transform the principles of basic human rights set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights into binding rules of law. Naturally, they are considered as the foundational instruments of international human rights law and provide much of the formative content of other human rights conventions. Article 27 of the ICCPR provides the most comprehensive legal provision regarding minority rights under international human rights law, which reads: In those States in which ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities exist, persons belonging to such minorities shall not be denied the right, in community with the other members of their group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practice their own religion, or to use their own language.85This clause is historical. Firstly, it imposes specific obligations on the State parties. States parties are obliged to protect members of minorities against violations of their rights by public and private parties, to fulfil non-discrimination provisions and, most importantly, to take positive action to ensure the survival and continued development of the cultural, religious and social identity of minorities in community with the other members of their group. Secondly, Article 27 entails a right to recognition, survival and continued development of the cultural, religious and social identity of minorities, non-discrimination, and their participation in governance of State affairs.86 Thirdly, Article 27 can provide a powerful tool to protect cultural, linguistic and religious diversity of minorities since it embodies justiciable rights, thus enabling States parties to be scrutinized over their compliance with their obligations before judicial or quasi-judicial bodies. Noteworthy here is the fact that the rights are granted to individuals belonging to ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities, and do not explicitly attach to the groups themselves, which signifies a reluctance to recognize the minority groups in their collective identity.31. In 1992, the United Nations General Assembly adopted a Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities.87 The Declaration aims to further concretize the provisions of Article 27 of the ICCPR and clearly contemplates policies of recognition and accommodation as opposed to assimilation. This is clearly spelled out in Article 1 of the Declaration which provides that: 1. States shall protect the existence and the national or ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic identity of minorities within their respective territories and shall encourage conditions for the promotion of that identity.2. States shall adopt appropriate legislative and other measures to achieve those ends.88Although it is not a legally binding instrument, the Declaration is increasingly recognized as an important point of reference to define and guide the broad international effort to promote minority rights. It is formulated in positive terms to supplement but does not substitute for the general standards in global and regional human rights treaties.32. More recently, the international community has attempted to take minority groups more seriously and advance group rights and rights of peoples, the so-called “third-generation rights”.89 These rights or standards of achievement are intended to enhance the political, economic, social and cultural self-determination and development of peoples. However, the concept of collective human rights has not been universally accepted and remains full of controversy in international human rights law discourse. Some powerful States, such as the USA, the UK, France, Japan and Australia, object to collective rights as conflicting with individual human rights, insisting that “characterizing a right as belonging to a community, or collective, rather than an individual, can be and often is construed to limit the exercise of that right (since only the group can invoke it), and thus may open the door to the denial of the right to the individual”.9033. The international divergence on collective rights vs. individual rights is unlikely to be resolved in the near future. But for the purpose of this article, one can divide the rights of ethnic minorities into two major categories under contemporary international law: rights of equal protection and rights of participation and/or self-governance. The first category relates to minorities' rights of equality and protection from discrimination, as well as rights aiming at the preservation of their culture and ethnic identity. In States where one or more groups constitute ethnic, religious or language communities, they have the right to existence and recognition of their identities, as well as the right to equality and to freedom from political, economic and social discrimination under international law. The second category implies that minorities are to determine their own affairs, participate in decision makings of the State, exercise a certain level of internal autonomy and, in cases of colonialism and foreign oppression, be able to secede from the State and gain independence.9134. Beyond the above-mentioned evolving normative framework, it should be pointed out that a considerable level of discretion is left to the States in deciding when such steps must be taken, and that the vagueness as to who decides which groups are entitled to special protection and upon what criteria undermines the framework's effectiveness. As Rehman rightly observes, “[m]embers of a minority group often feel that in the clash of cultures, religions or languages it is their will and aspirations which are marginalized, and in this respect the individualistic and universalistic tone of the international law of human rights is deficient. International laws which could be related to minorities are not only seen as being attenuated and indirect in nature but there is considerable evidence to suggest that they are largely ineffective in safeguarding whatever rights that are granted to minorities”.92 A sovereign State has the final right to domestic jurisdiction, and can only be regarded as subject to human rights treaties when it has so consented. Thus, a body of international human rights law has been formed to protect minorities from their governments and the dominant society, but often only to the extent that the governments will allow them to be protected. Besides, by virtue of becoming parties to these international agreements, sovereign States may also be bound to ensure and respect minorities' rights as a matter of customary international law. But, identifying which human rights constitute jus cogens norms remains controversial and uncertain, as current international legal arrangements provide few effective means by which international human rights obligations may be interpreted, implemented, and monitored. More importantly, despite significant progress in the identification, definition, and promulgation of international norms with regards to ethnic minorities' rights, international mechanisms for their enforcement remain underdeveloped. International monitoring bodies generally lack enforcement authority and rely substantially on shame as a tool for persuasion. As a result, enforcement of international human rights obligations has been achieved primarily through various domestic incorporations processes by which States incorporate international law into their domestic legal orders.9335. In summary, it has become clear from the preceding analysis that considerable aspects of international law relating to minority rights still need vigorous development, in order to define and promote full protection of minorities' equal rights. VI.B. International standards and China's minority rights: the way forward

36. The preceding analysis outlines existing international standards for treatment of minorities and their deficiencies. It offers a menu to concretize and itemize national human rights legislation and autonomy options based on international models. Through the lens of international standards and practices, the present Section looks more closely at China's minority laws and policies and proposes ways and means suitable for facilitating and developing equal protection of minority rights in China.37. Since 1980, the Chinese government has signed, ratified and participated in several core international human rights conventions, namely the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crimes of Apartheid, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, the International Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Racial Discrimination, the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, the Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees and the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.94 The Chinese government has submitted reports to UN committees responsible for monitoring the implementation of some of these treaties. Significantly, the PRC has signed both the ICCPR on 5 October 1998 and the ICESCR on 27 October 1997. The National People's Congress Standing Committee ratified the ICESCR on 28 February 2001.95 China has yet to ratify the ICCPR.38. Although the PRC joined a number of UN human rights conventions, the Chinese government made reservations to the implementation mechanisms set out in some of these conventions that could possibly influence its national jurisdiction over human rights issues. China does not recognize the competence of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to settle disputes relating to human rights, nor does it allow the individual complaint procedure that is provided for in the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. In the UN human rights mechanism, China had been elected a member of the UN Commission on Human Rights since 1982, and was Vice-Chair in the year of 1989. Chinese delegates have also joined its Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities as well as the Working Group on Indigenous Populations and the Working Group on Communications affiliated with the Sub-Commission.39. Historically speaking, the Chinese government has come a long way in accepting the legitimacy of international human rights standards since the founding of the PRC in 1949. Its membership in the United Nations and its adherence to many of the UN's human rights treaties have compelled it to accept the legitimacy of internationally established norms and to adopt the rhetoric of human rights set forth in the UN Charter and the UDHR. By becoming a State party to key international treaties on human rights, it has to justify its actions in the field of human rights by reference to international standards, and its choice of justifications has had great influence on its freedom of action. The PRC is obliged to report on, and receive criticism of, its treatment of individuals to international committees set up under various human rights treaties to which the PRC is a State party. In the reports submitted to international human rights bodies, the Chinese have generally sought to justify all their actions in the field of human rights and rhetorically denied allegations of human rights violations.96 In its official human rights discourse, the Chinese government has reiterated its commitment to abide by the principles and purposes of the UN Charter and key international human rights treaties relating to respect and protection of human rights for all its 1.34 billion people.97 This is also the case when it comes to specific issues relating to the rights of ethnic minorities.40. Within this international normative context, I now turn to the legal regime of ethnic minority rights in China and discuss existing problems and possible solutions. As noted before, China's constitution and the 1984 Regional Ethnic Autonomy Law guarantee a full range of rights to minorities, including self-government within designated autonomous areas,98 proportional representation in the government, freedom to develop their own languages, religions and cultures, greater control over local economic development than allowed in non-autonomous areas and the power to adapt central directives to local conditions. It is therefore fair to say that China's current legal regime on ethnic minorities' rights is generally in line with international standards.99 It recognizes the importance of both negative (non-discrimination) and positive (special assistance or status) measures for effective protection. From an international perspective, existing Chinese laws on minority rights offer three levels of protection. Firstly, individual members of minorities are accorded with all the core human rights (civil, political, economic, social and cultural) in the same way as the Han majority and all other ethnic groups, without discrimination. For this to happen, non-discrimination measures are clearly in the State constitution, as discussed above.100 Secondly, minorities are allowed to preserve their dignity as members of a particular community based on religion, language or culture. Special measures are introduced in the State constitution and laws.101 Thirdly, China's State constitution and laws provide minority communities with special protection of the material bases of their cultures and lifestyles.102 Clearly, Chinese minority law tries to differentiate itself from the current individualist international human rights conventions by striking a balance between collective rights and individual rights so that the former would not reduce the scope and effectiveness of the latter.41. In addition, China's recent official rhetoric reaffirmed the pluralistic policy of the Chinese government on ethnic minorities' equal status and special rights. In 2009, the Chinese government published a white paper entitled “China's Ethnic Policy and Common Prosperity and Development of All Ethnic Groups” (“the White Paper”), which was written mainly with an international audience in mind.103 The majority of the White Paper was devoted to detailing the enjoyment of the rights set forth in the Chinese constitution and laws. It claimed that “[e]quality among ethnic groups is a cornerstone of China's ethnic policy” and “a constitutional principle of China”.104 It emphasized that “[r]egional ethnic autonomy is a basic policy China adopts to handle problems among its ethnic groups and a fundamental political system for this country”, while, in the meantime, it made it clear that “[e]very ethnic autonomous area is an inseparable part of the country. Organs of self-government in ethnic autonomous areas must follow the leadership of the central government”.10542. Although the laws and policies themselves contain measures ensuring autonomy and equal rights of all ethnic groups, much of the discontent among minorities stems from uneven and incomplete implementation of the laws and policies rather than flaws in the normative framework itself. Critics frequently point out that the implementation of the laws on ethnic minorities' rights has varied greatly across China and under various circumstances. To suggest how Chinese law on minority rights may be improved to address minority claims on the ground, it is useful first to expose its flaws. The following section does not attempt to be exhaustive, and examines a couple of particular problems as illustration. Take the language rights of minorities, for example. Both the 1982 Constitution and the 1984 Law on National Regional Autonomy provide for equal status for languages of 55 minority groups. However, the Chinese government in practice has employed a system that allocates a functional and sub-legal status to a minority language on the basis of ideology, regional power politics (mainly the strategic importance of the minority to national unity and security) and the level of assimilation of the minority into the Han Chinese culture, etc. According to Zhou, the three-tier system which categorizes minorities' writing systems into official, experimental, and unofficial status is based on “a Hobbesian principle of language equality”.106 This deferential treatment of minority languages is determined by higher levels of governments based on the relative strategic importance of minority groups to national security, rather than a set of clearly articulated criteria and participatory and transparent legal processes. It calls into question the equality of legal status for minority languages in practice.43. Another important issue relates to the right of minority people to access to government services in their own languages, a right guaranteed by the 1982 Constitution and the 1984 Law on National Regional Autonomy. Article 21 of the Law mandates that “[w]hile performing its functions, the autonomous agencies of an ethnic autonomous area, in accordance with the regulations on the exercise of autonomy of the area, use the language or languages commonly used in the locality; where several commonly used languages are used for the performance of such functions, the language of the nationality exercising regional autonomy may be used as the main language”.107 However, a high proportion of government officials in autonomous government agencies are Han Chinese who do not speak or understand minority languages. In the late 1990s, they ranged from 40 per cent to 80 per cent in autonomous government agencies at various levels.108 The high proportion of non-minority-language-speaking Han officials has limited autonomous governments' capacity to provide quality services to minority people. To address this deficiency, the law on regional autonomy goes further to encourage government officials to learn and use minority languages and to reward those who can use two or more commonly used local languages. But this provision imposes no mandatory requirement on autonomous governments and officials and is subject to local discretion and availability of resources for training.10944. Another example is the economic development in ethnic minority areas and the livelihoods of minority people. The White Paper proclaims that “[a]dhering to common prosperity and development of all ethnic groups is the fundamental stance of China's ethnic policy.” It notes that “[t]he ethnic minorities led a life full of misery” before the establishment of the People's Republic.110 “When New China was established, the Chinese government made it a basic task to rid all ethnic groups of poverty and enable them to lead a better life. Since the adoption of the reform and opening-up policies in the late 1970s, the State has focused on economic construction, given top priority to development, made increasing efforts and carried out several significant measures to quicken the advance of the ethnic minorities and minority areas.”111 It goes on to list an array of preferential economic and social programs and infrastructure projects in minority territories supported by the central government and various provincial sister governments of the Han areas. As a result, it notes that great achievements in social and economic development have been made in the minority areas, that people's living standards there have markedly improved and that the disparity in living standards has decreased in recent years between minority territories and territories in Eastern China.112 However, the White Paper fails to note that the government calculates few socioeconomic statistics based on ethnicity, but rather only on place of residence. Some foreign critics of China's ethnic policies and practices point out that many of these benefits generated from economic development and explorations of natural resources in China's minority areas are accrued mainly by Han migrants, especially for higher paying technical and senior positions, and do not proportionally benefit local minority communities.113 According to critics, minorities, especially those who live in interior and rural areas, have little impact on these policies and projects. The Chinese government has categorically dismissed such allegations as unfounded.11445. One of the pillars of the central government's approach to raising ethnic tensions and conflicts during the reform era has been the dual emphasis on economic development and national unity. The White Paper has explained the underlining thinking of the approach clearly: “The state is convinced that quickening the economic and social development of minority communities and minority areas is the fundamental solution to China's ethnic issues. Overcoming the difficulties and solving the problems in the minority areas hinges on development.”115 However, the effectiveness of the government's new approach that is preoccupied by economic growth and higher living standards has yet to be proven over a long period of time. As the living standards and education levels of minorities improve, the minorities may aspire to greater autonomy and accountability in public life, better preservation of their culture, languages, a spiritual life free from interference and more control over the use of natural resources in their autonomous regions.46. It is beyond the scope of this article to engage in a detailed analysis of what accounts for ethnic tensions and discontent in China. The following section will offer some suggestions on how to improve China's minority rights legislation and policies, by reference to international experience. Given the political reality in China, my focus will be more on building the legitimacy for China's minority rights regime than on fundamentally reforming constitutional arrangements for national regional autonomy and State–minority relationship and thus lending greater practicality to existing laws and policies for minority rights. As mentioned in the previous sections, the past three decades have seen substantial governmental efforts to replace assimilation policies with pluralistic laws and policies for ethnic minority areas and individuals. Although various affirmative actions have been adopted as the main tool to narrow the economic and social gap between Han and minority people and head off minority discontent and even ethnic conflicts, the long-term effectiveness of these measures remains to be seen. In light of State–minority practices elsewhere as well as changing conditions in China, it is essential for China to develop policies and measures that protect the identity rights of minority people while simultaneously allowing for the integration and full participation of all groups and individuals in public life. These objectives will not be easy to realize in practice, as the problems affecting State–minority relationship are determined as much by the policies of the State as by the claims and demands of minorities.47. In the process of developing effective approaches and choosing between (or finding the right mix of) policies that emphasize accommodation or support integration, China may take measures to improve its laws and policies for minority rights. Firstly, China should fully implement existing laws and policies on minority rights and make national regional autonomy real. As previously discussed, laws and policies on minority rights are currently in transition. The 1982 Constitution and the 1984 Law on National Regional Autonomy give minorities a greater framework for autonomy than ever before that would help preserve the unique identity of national minorities, as well as ensure that the members of those groups could receive special treatment in society. By (re)adopting a pluralistic approach to minorities, and by actively addressing minorities' cultural and economic concerns, China has been better served to further its goal of peace and stability in minority regions. International experience has shown that reliance on a formal notion of equality may not effectively address entrenched, systemic discrimination and disparities.116 This will also be true in the case of China where monumental economic, social and even, in some ways, political transformations are taking place at a fast pace. The developments in China in the last three and a half decades have generally been conducive to individual and collective well-being of minorities. Recent developmental policies and projects targeted at minority areas indicate a conscious effort on the part of Chinese leadership to equalize the benefits of growth. Even if only out of pragmatism, the Chinese government can pay closer attention to the manner in which its national autonomous laws and policies are implemented and the ways they may aggravate the marginalization of certain minority persons. Moreover, the issues of regional autonomy and minority rights are often included in a larger set of questions which involves not minorities alone but rather all of the Chinese people. China has a legal system in which courts do not have judicial review power. The national regional autonomy system is inherently difficult to fulfil because the language in the Chinese laws concerning minority rights is often vague and general.117 Local courts are often unable to offer effective judicial remedy to minorities when their rights are violated or not realized, because courts in minority regions have limited power, resources and are subject to local Party control.48. This takes us to the second aspect of China's approach to minority rights that is in need of improvement: to establish effective avenues of expression for minorities to voice their cultural, economic and political concerns and enable them participate in the policy/decision-making processes regarding positive measures by the State to ensure the preservation of special minority culture, religion, language and identity within a larger Chinese identity. In this light, legislation and policy initiatives shall maintain pluralistic respect for the rights of minority people to participate democratically in the deliberative process of governance. At present, in the management of Chinese central–regional relationship, the concept of deliberative governance is in an embryonic stage only.118 As key decisions on autonomous arrangements, resource allocations, investment approvals, central subsidies and personnel appointment of senior officials are made by a small central leading group in the central government, critics say that autonomous areas are actually subject only to the wills of authorities of the central government dominated by the Han.119 Moreover, due to the lack of deliberative participation of minorities in governance and the national unity imperatives of minority policy, current efforts by the central authorities to win minority loyalty may serve to entrench policy choices and approaches that have the potential to further marginalize minority nationalities and galvanize minority demands for real autonomy.120Therefore, it is suggested that the central government consider introducing elements of deliberative democracy into decision/policy-making processes. In addition to affirmative actions by the State, in the form of preferential treatment in minorities' favour, it is useful to undertake an extensive outreach effort by the central and local governments to include minority stakeholders in decision-makings. It should extensively document dissent, grounds for dissent, and future predictions of consequences of actions. In return, minorities could consider deliberative procedure as the source of legitimacy and structure their autonomy such that deliberation is the deciding factor in the creation of the institutions and the institutions allow deliberation to continue.49. The third area where China can make an improvement relates to the challenges of how China brings its minority policy and practice into closer conformity with international human rights law and how China can draw on international experience in dealing with claims by ethnic minorities ranging from the right to existence, equality, non-discrimination to group cultural identity, autonomy and power-sharing arrangements and self-determination. China is now the second largest economy in the world and is poised to become the largest, overtaking the United States, by the end of 2016 according to the prediction by Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).121 China's role as an engine of the global economy and a “leader State” in the world community has become increasingly established.122 Nowadays, China is one of the world's top exporters and is attracting record amounts of foreign investment. In turn, it is investing billions of dollars abroad. As a member of the World Trade Organization, China is bound by the rule-based world trading system and has greatly benefited from access to foreign markets.123 Meanwhile, as previously discussed, China is a party to many international human rights treaties and is bound by those international standards relating to minority rights. In 2012, President Xi Jinping reassured that “China [would be] following a path of peaceful development” and would continue to open up to the world.124 Xi said that China remains a developing country facing a series of grim challenges and problems in spite of great progress that has been achieved. He pledged that “[t]he Chinese people … are ready to learn from the achievements of all other cultures to make up for our own deficiencies.”125 This may suggest a degree of parallelism with the expanded application of international law to China's relations with minorities, which is aimed more at building the legitimacy for central government policies than at reforming existing State–minority systems. In that spirit, China could develop a coherent political and legal approach to ethnic conflict and claims of its minority groups, drawing on international human rights standards and different ways and means effectively applied by international actors and States. While the main international legal instruments do not prescribe any particular model dealing with claims of ethnic groups, China can benefit from existing international experience that protects the identity rights of minority communities while simultaneously allowing for the integration and full participation of all groups and individuals in public life. In an effort to balance conflicting rights and interests relating to minorities, many plural societies have attempted to devise various laws, policies and measures, which often result in pragmatic approaches of mixing law and politics that have successfully solved their particular problems at hand. China could learn and benefit from these experiences. At the same time, the application of human rights standards can better protect the rights of minorities, prevent assimilation of minorities against their will, and help determine where a given policy falls along an accommodation-assimilation spectrum. By adopting and fulfilling minority rights, including opportunities for ethnic minorities to participate in decision-making processes and extensive protection guarantees, the Chinese State and society can become more stable and less prone to discontent and conflict, to the benefit of both the State and minority groups and individuals. VII. Conclusion

50. Ethnic tensions and unrest in China have emerged as a subject of policy debate, academic research and attention in the last three decades. To understand in full the complexity and dynamics of ethnic minority rights in China, this article has examined regional autonomy in China's ethnic minority areas and its implications for minority rights in China. It has noted that, after three decades of policy vacillation between pluralism and forced assimilationism, the present Chinese government claims to have established a comprehensive legal system that warrants equal rights for all nationalities and regional autonomy for national minorities. The 1982 Constitution and the Law on National Regional Autonomy of 1984 have granted national minorities the most pluralistic rights in comparison with any of the previous legislation. The loosening of political and economic restrictions and the return to pluralistic policies leads to a revival of nationalist consciousness in many parts of the minority areas. Ethnic issues have increasingly become a source of dissatisfaction, conflict and even violence in recent years.51. The PRC nationality policy since the 1980s has undoubtedly been an improvement over those of the previous periods. The new policy represents a return to a philosophy of pluralism, which acknowledges the distinctiveness of national minorities and shows a higher degree of tolerance for political, social and cultural diversity. The 1984 Constitution and laws guarantee that national minorities have the right to self-government and enjoy certain preferential rights over the Han majority. However, due to uneven implementation of laws and central policies, minorities' legal rights have yet to be fully achieved in reality.52. At present, the Chinese government mainly uses preferential rights and policies as the main tool in narrowing the economic and social gaps between Han and minority people, hoping to convince minority people that they will benefit more from integration and co-operation within the multi-ethnic Chinese nation. When increasing disparities and relative under-development have sparked discontent, protest and unrest, it is the State's own interest in security and stability that underpins preferential policies and projects. The sporadic unrest characterizing some minority regions in the past three decades indicate that, even if economic benefits of preferential policies do trickle down into minority communities, bitterness towards Han dominance may still emerge if the fruits of economic development accrue asymmetrically in favour of the Han. Moreover, if basic decisions on central fiscal allowance, special subsidies, resource allocations, project approvals and regulatory arrangements are made by the central government and its subordinate local branches, minority may still feel that they themselves have little representation, let alone control, over the resulting economic projects and activities.53. The contradiction inherent in the current set of policies and laws that promotes both integration and autonomy was a dilemma. No new model for solving all of the minority issues is likely to emerge, given the complexity of the various stakeholders and societal elements involved. China's national regional autonomy system will remain in the foreseeable future, however laden with new functions that will have to change its top-down and rough-edged fashion. For the State, it will be expected to maintain preferential treatment for minority individuals in education, career training and family planning, respect cultural and religious diversities, and improve the quality of life of minority communities by way of providing central subsidies and investing in local economies.126 It will continue to promise equality to minorities, but only to be equally Chinese within the unified Chinese multi-national State.54. In light of past State–minority relations as well as changing conditions in China and by reference to international experience, this article offers some suggestions for China to improve minority rights legislation and policies. It argues for a new set of measures which encompasses three aspects: (1) fully implement existing laws and policies on minority rights and make national regional autonomy real; (2) introduce elements of deliberative democracy into decision/policy-making processes and undertake an extensive outreach effort to include minority stakeholders in decisions; (3) bring its minority policy and practice into closer conformity with international human rights law and draw on international experience in dealing with claims by ethnic minorities. It is hoped that these measures could enhance respect for minority identities and provide the means of establishing their respective autonomies and realizing their special rights through a deliberative process. The measures should focus as much on the process as on the decisions, on the voices as on the results and on the individuals as on the groups. In this way, China's national regional autonomy is oriented towards a complete policy of commitment to pluralistic values within the Chinese polity, which is more likely to satisfy the minority aspirations and the State's need for national stability and unity.1Key Data of the Sixth National Census (2011, in Chinese) (http://www.stats.gov.cn/ztjc/zdtjgz/zgrkpc/dlcrkpc/dcrkpcyw/201104/t20110428_69407.htm). See also Information Office of the State Council of the People's Republic of China, China's Ethnic Policy and Common Prosperity and Development of All Ethnic Groups, 9 Chinese JIL (2010), 221 (hereinafter “the White Paper”).2See generally Barry Sautman, Scaling Back Minority Rights?: The Debate About China's Ethnic Policies, 46 Stanford JIL (2010), 51; Randall Peerenboom, China Stands Up: 100 Years of Humiliation, Sovereignty Concerns, and Resistance to Foreign Pressure on PRC Courts, 24 Emory Int'l L. Rev. (2010), 657; Susan K. McCarthy, A New Era of Development?: The State, Minorities, and Dilemmas of Development in Contemporary China, 26 Fletcher F. World Aff. (2002), 104; Pitman B. Potter, Governance of China's Periphery: Balancing Local Autonomy and National Unity, 19 Colum. J. Asian L. (2005), 294; Michael C. Davis, Establishing a Workable Autonomy in Tibet, 30 Human Rights Q. (2008), 227.3The White Paper, above n.1, 222.4Ibid. See also Data of the Fifth National Census (2000) (http://www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/ndsj/renkoupucha/2000pucha/pucha.htm).5See Joseph C.F. Wang, Contemporary Chinese Politics: An Introduction (5th edn. 1995), 163.6See Dru C. Gladney, Ethnic Identity in China: The New Politics of Difference, in: William A. Joseph (ed.), China Briefing 1994 (1994), 171, 174.7See H. Seivwert, On the Religions of National Minorities in the Context of China's Religious History, in: Thomas Heberer (ed.), Ethnic Minorities in China: Tradition and Transform (1987), 41.8See Thomas Heberer, China and Its National Minorities: Autonomy or Assimilation? (1989), 17.9More than eight thousand separate groups were documented in Chinese historical records over a period of almost three thousand years. See June T. Dreyer, China's Forty Millions (1976), 7.10Ibid.,17–18.11Ibid., 18.12See Ying-Shih Yu, Trade and Expansion in Han China (1967), 396.13See generally Mark Mancall, The Ch'ing Tribute System: An Interpretive Essay, in: John K. Fairbank (ed.), The Chinese World Order: Traditional China's Foreign Relations (1968), 63; Hae Jong Chun, Sino-Korean Tributary Relations in the Ch'ing Period, in Fairbank, in: John K. Fairbank (ed.), The Chinese World Order, 90; Truong Buu Lam, Intervention Versus Tribute in Sino-Vietnamese Relations, 1788-1790, in: John K. Fairbank (ed.), The Chinese World Order, 165; Chusei Suzuki, China's Relations with Inner Asia: The Hsiung-Nu, Tibet, in: John K. Fairbank, The Chinese World Order, 180.14François Thierry, Empire and Minority in China, in: Gerard Chaliand (ed.), Minority Peoples in the Age of Nation-States (1989), 76, 78.15For instance, the Han Chinese even in ancient time seemed to have indulged in comparing barbarians with all kinds of animals.16The Han Chinese are by no means one-way carriers of a superior culture. There are numerous historical examples of mutual cultural enrichment between the Han and non-Han Chinese. Mackerras disputes that “while it is true that China contributed a good deal more in terms of culture to the minorities than the other way around, the influences were by no means all in one direction.” Colin Mackerras, China's Minorities: Integration and Modernization in the Twentieth Century (1994), 24.17George Anastaplo, But Not Philosophy: Seven Introductions to Non-Western Thought (2002) Chapter Four: Confucian Thought: The Analects, 99, 116.18See June T. Dreyer, above n.9, 9–10.19Ibid., 12–13.20Ibid., 16.21In his “Race and Population”, Dr. Sun said that: Although there are a little over ten millions of non-Chinese in China, including Mongols, Manchus, Tibetans, and Tartars [Turks], their number is small compared with the purely Chinese population, four hundred million in number, which has a common racial heredity, common religion, and common tradition and customs. It is one nationality.Sun Yat-sen, Race and Population, in: Leonard Shihlien Hsu, Sun Yat-sen: His Political and Social Ideals (1933), 168.22Sun Yat-sen, Memoirs of a Chinese Revolutionary (1953), 180 (cited in June T. Dreyer, above n.9, 16).23Dreyer noted that Dr. Sun, “more orator than logician, never bothered to reconcile these two sets of views,” namely his early assiminationist views on China's ethnic composition and the concepts of self-determination and autonomy. June T. Dreyer, above n.9, 17.24Chiang Kai-shek, China's Destiny, trans. Wang Chung-hui (1947), 12–13. See also June T. Dreyer, above n.9, 17.25For an extensive analysis of the Nationalist government record with respect to the treatment of minorities, see June T. Dreyer, above n.9, 18–41. See also Colin Mackerras, above n.16, 49–72.26See June T. Dreyer, above n.9, 63.27See Manifesto of the Second Party Congress (July 1922), in: Tony Saich, The Rise to Power of the Chinese Communist Party (1996), 40, 40.28Ibid., 42.29See June T. Dreyer, above n.9, 63–64; Colin Mackerras, above n.16, 72–73.30Conrad Brandt, Benjamin Isadore Schwartz and John King Fairbank, A Documentary History of Chinese Communism (1952), 219.31See June T. Dreyer, above n.9, 64.32At the Zunyi Conference of 1935, Mao Zedong defeated his political rivals and came to power as the new chairman of the Politburo. He was challenged but never ousted from the Party leadership from then on. See Franz Michael, China through the Ages: History of a Civilization (1986), 210–211.33See June T. Dreyer, above n.9, 67.34See Colin Mackerras, above n.16, 103–104; June T. Dreyer, above n.9, 79–82.35The Constitution of the People's Republic of China (1954), art. 1 (hereinafter “the 1954 Constitution”).36The Common Program provided that: Article 9: All nationalities within the boundaries of the People's Republic of China shall have equal rights and duties.Article 50: All nationalities within the boundaries of the People's Republic of China are equal. They shall establish unity and mutual aid among themselves, and shall oppose imperialism and their own public enemies, so that the People's Republic of China will become a big fraternal and cooperative family composed of all its nationalities. Nationalism and chauvinism shall be opposed. Acts involving discrimination, oppression, and disrupting the unity of the various nationalities shall be prohibited.Article 51: Regional autonomy shall be exercised in areas where national minorities are concentrated, and various kinds of autonomous organizations for the different nationalities shall be set up according to the size of the respective peoples and regions. In places where different nationalities live together and in the autonomous areas of the national minorities, the different nationalities shall each have an appropriate number of representatives in the local organs of state power.Article 53: All national minorities shall have freedom to develop their spoken and written languages, to preserve or reform their traditions, customs, and religious beliefs. The people's government shall assist the masses of all national minorities in their political, economic, cultural, and educational development.Common Program of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, 29 September 1949, in: T.H.C. Chen (ed.), The Chinese Communist Regime: Documents and Commentary (1967), 34. For a general account of China's national regional autonomy, see Barry Sautman, above n.2, 58–63.37The 1954 Constitution, above n.35, 9.38Jiancheng He, China's Policy on Nationalities, in: Dae-Sook Suh and Edward Shultz (eds.), Koreans in China (1990), 6.39Ibid., 7.40Ibid.41See Zhou Enlai, Some Questions on Policy Towards Nationalities, Beijing Review (3 March 1980), 22.42See Jiancheng He, above n.38, 7.43See Chae-jun Lee, The Political Participation of Koreans in China, in: Dae-Sook Suh and Edward Shultz, above n.38, 93; Colin Meckerras, above n.16, 147.44Zhou Enlai, above n.41, 22.45See Joseph C.F. Wang, above n.5, 163–164.46See Colin Mackerras, above n.16, 146–148.47Ibid., 150–153.48Ibid.49Ibid.50Ibid.51Ibid., 153–155.52See June T. Dreyer, China's Political System: Modernization and Tradition (1993), 377.53The PRC's policy toward Taiwan shifted towards inducing Taiwan's peaceful reunification with the mainland after the establishment of diplomatic relations with the United States in 1979, although the PRC government has repeatedly refused to renounce the use of military force to achieve national reunification. However, by the mid-1980s, the issues of Hong Kong and Macao came to the fore.54See June T. Dreyer, above n.52, 377.55See Thomas Heberer, above n.7, 41–42; Colin Mackerras, above n.16, 153–154.56Ibid.57See Thomas Heberer, New Aspects of Autonomy Legislation in the People's Republic of China, in Thomas Heberer, above n.7, 27.58The Constitution of the People's Republic of China (1982), art 4 (http://english.people.com.cn/constitution/constitution.html) (hereinafter “the 1982 Constitution”) provides that: All nationalities in the People's Republic of China are equal. The state protects the lawful rights and interests of the minority nationalities and upholds and develops the relationship of equality, unity and mutual assistance among all of China's nationalities. Discrimination against and oppression of any nationality are prohibited; any acts that undermine the unity of the nationalities or instigate their secession are prohibited. The state helps the areas inhabited by minority nationalities speed up their economic and cultural development in accordance with the peculiarities and needs of the different minority nationalities. Regional autonomy is practised in areas where people of minority nationalities live in compact communities; in these areas organs of self-government are established for the exercise of the right of autonomy. All the national autonomous areas are inalienable parts of the People's Republic of China. The people of all nationalities have the freedom to use and develop their own spoken and written languages, and to preserve or reform their own ways and customs.59Ibid., arts. 113 and 114.60Ibid., art. 115.61Ibid., art. 116.62Ibid., art. 117.63Ibid., art. 122.64Ibid., art. 134.65Ibid., arts. 4 and 121.66See the Law on Regional National Autonomy of the People's Republic of China (http://www.china.org.cn/english/government/207138.htm) (hereinafter “PRC Law on Regional National Autonomy”).67See Thomas Heberer, above n.7, 28–33.68See PRC Law on Regional National Autonomy, above n.66.69See June T. Dreyer, above n.52, 381.70The figure did not necessarily represent natural increase of the Manchus population. See Dru C. Gladney, above n.6, 172–173, 186.71See June T. Dreyer, above n.52, 382.72See ibid., 186–188; Thomas Heberer, above n.7, 37–39.73The White Paper, above n.1, 228–229.74Ibid., 256–259.75During the past three decades, demonstrations and violent disturbances rooted in minority dissatisfaction, local nationalism and ethnic tensions are known to have occurred in Xinjiang, Yunnan and Inner Mongolia, in addition to the well-known case of Tibet. See Colin Mackerras, above n.16, 159–164.76See Javaid Rehman, The Weaknesses in the International Protection of Minority Rights (2000), 32–33.77See James D. Wilets, The Demise of the Nation-State: Towards a New Theory of the State Under International Law, 17 Berkeley JIL (1999), 193, 204–206; Andras B. Baka, The European Convention on Human Rights and the Protection of Minorities under International Law, 8 Conn. JIL (1993), 228–230.78The UN Charter, art. 1 (http://www.un.org/en/documents/charter/) reads: The Purposes of the United Nations are: … 2. To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace; 3. To achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion; … .79Ibid., chapter 9.80The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, G.A. Res. 217A, at 71, U.N. GAOR, 3d Sess., 183d plen. mtg., U.N. Doc. A/810 (10 December 1948).81See Ian Brownlie, Principles of Public International Law (5th edn. 1998), 575 (commenting on the influence of the UDHR).82See Warwick McKean, Equality and Discrimination under International Law, (1983), 53.83International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Dec. 19, 1966, S. Exec. Doc. E, 95-2, 999 U.N.T.S. 171.84International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 16 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3.85ICCPR, above n.83, art. 27.86Some scholars have a different view on the effectiveness of art. 27 in protecting group rights. See e.g. Natan Lerner, Religious and Legal Pluralism in Comparative Theoretical Perspective: Group Rights and Legal Pluralism, 25 Emory Int'l L. Rev. 829 (2011), 829, 830–832 (claiming that “[t]he 1966 Covenants followed the line of the UN Charter and downplayed the group dimension. Article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (‘ICCPR’) is considered a timid and reluctant recognition of rights emanating from the existence of collective entities”).87Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities, G.A. Res. 47/135, Annex, U.N. GAOR, 47th Sess. Supp. No. 49 (Vol. I), U.N. Doc. A/47/49 (Vol. 1), at 210 (18 December 1992).88Ibid., art. 1.89See Eric Engle, Universal Human Rights: A Generational History, 12 Ann. Surv. Int'l & Comp. L. (2006), 260-62.90See Dwight G. Newman, Theorizing Collective Indigenous Rights, 31 Am. Indian L. Rev. (2007), 278.91Tina Kempin Reuter, Dealing with Claims of Ethnic Minorities in International Law, 24 Conn. JIL 201 (2009), 203.92See Javaid Rehman, above n.76, 4.93See Harold Hongju Koh, How Is International Human Rights Law Enforced? 74 Indiana L.J. 1397 (1999), 1397. See generally Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Human Rights Bodies (http://www.ohchr.org/en/hrbodies/Pages/HumanRightsBodies.aspx); Jack Donnelly, 40(3) International Organization (1986), 599; Michael van Alstine, The Universal Declaration and Developments in the Enforcement of International Human Rights in Domestic Law, 24 Maryland JIL (2009), 63.94China has ratified the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, opened for signature 10 December 1984, G.A. Res. 46, U.N. GAOR, 39th Sess., Supp. No. 51, at 197, U.N. Doc. A/39/51 (1985), 23 I.L.M. 1027, as modified, 24 I.L.M. 535 (ratified by the PRC 4 October 1988; reservations: art. 20, art. 30(1)); Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, opened for signature 1 March 1980, 1249 U.N.T.S. 14, 19 I.L.M. 33 (ratified by the PRC 4 November 1980; reservation: art. 29(1)); International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid, opened for signature 30 November 1973, 1015 U.N.T.S. 243 (ratified by China 18 April 1983; reservation: none); Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, opened for signature 31 January 1967, 19 U.S.T. 6223, 606 U.N.T.S. 267 (ratified by the PRC 24 September 1982; reservation: art. 4); International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, opened for signature 21 December 1965, 660 U.N.T.S. 195 (ratified by the PRC 29 December 1981; reservation: art. 22); and Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, opened for signature 9 December 1948, 78 U.N.T.S. 277 (ratified by the PRC 18 April 1983; reservation: art. 9).95The ICESCR became binding on China on 27 March 2001. See http://treaties.un.org/Pages/ViewDetails.aspx?src=TREATY&mtdsg_no=IV-3&chapter=4&lang=en#6.96See Edward Xiaohui Wu, Human Rights: China's Historical Perspectives in Context, 4 J. of the History of Int'l L. (2002), 335, 353.97Ibid., 351–354.98The 1984 Constitution and the Law provide for internal self-determination, which means that minorities in China have the right to participate in the constitutional system of China, without the right to secede. In other words, the enjoyment of the autonomous rights is contingent upon minorities' acceptance of the national autonomy system, whose scope and contents are determined by the State Constitution and laws.99Bai Guimei, The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Chinese Law on the Protection of the Rights of Minority Nationalities, 3 Chinese JIL (2004), 441, 468 (noting that “[t]he existing Chinese nationalities laws do not conflict with article 27 of the ICCPR. Furthermore, they provide more comprehensive protections than those under the ICCPR.”).100The 1982 Constitution, above n.58, art. 4 provides that: All nationalities in the People's Republic of China are equal. The state protects the lawful rights and interests of the minority nationalities and upholds and develops the relationship of equality, unity and mutual assistance among all of China's nationalities. Discrimination against and oppression of any nationality are prohibited; any acts that undermine the unity of the nationalities or instigate their secession are prohibited. The state helps the areas inhabited by minority nationalities speed up their economic and cultural development in accordance with the peculiarities and needs of the different minority nationalities.101Ibid., above n.58, art. 4 also provides that: Regional autonomy is practised in areas where people of minority nationalities live in compact communities; in these areas organs of self-government are established for the exercise of the right of autonomy. All the national autonomous areas are inalienable parts of the People's Republic of China. The people of all nationalities have the freedom to use and develop their own spoken and written languages, and to preserve or reform their own ways and customs.102Ibid., art. 122 states that: The state gives financial, material and technical assistance to the minority nationalities to accelerate their economic and cultural development. The state helps the national autonomous areas train large numbers of cadres at different levels and specialized personnel and skilled workers of different professions and trades from among the nationality or nationalities in those areas.The Law of the People's Republic of China on National Regional Autonomy, art. 28 (http://www.cecc.gov/pages/virtualAcad/index.phpd?showsingle=9507), states that: In accordance with legal stipulations, autonomous agencies in ethnic autonomous areas manage and protect the natural resources of these areas. In accordance with legal stipulations and unified state plans, autonomous agencies in ethnic autonomous areas may give priority to the rational exploitation and utilization of the natural resources that the local authorities are entitled to develop.103The White Paper, above n.1.104Ibid., paras.17 and 18. The White Paper even went length to define what “full equality” means in the Chinese legal system: In China, the definition of full equality among ethnic groups includes three aspects: first, regardless of their population size, length of history, area of residence, level of economic and social development, differences in spoken and written languages, religious beliefs, folkways and customs, every ethnic group has equal political status; second, all ethnic groups in China have not only political and legal equality, but also economic, cultural and social equality; third, citizens of all ethnic groups are equal before the law, enjoying the same rights and performing the same duties. (para.19)105Ibid., paras.29 and 31.106See Minglang Zhou, Minority Language Policy in China: Equality in Theory and Inequality in Practice, in: Minglang Zhou (ed.), Language Policy in the People's Republic of China: Theory and Practice Since 1949 (2004), 71, 81–84.107PRC Law on Regional National Autonomy, above n.102, art. 21.108See Minglang Zhou, above n.106, 87.109The 1982 Constitution, above n.58, art. 49 provides that: Autonomous agencies of an ethnic autonomous area persuade and encourage cadres of the various nationalities to learn each other's spoken and written languages. Cadres of Han nationality will learn the spoken and written languages of the local minority nationalities. While learning and using the spoken and written languages of their own nationalities, cadres of minority nationalities should also learn the spoken and written Chinese language commonly used throughout the country. Awards should be given to state functionaries in ethnic autonomous areas who can use skillfully two or more spoken or written languages that are commonly used in the locality.110The White Paper, above n.1, para.40.111Ibid., para.41.112Ibid., paras.42–59.113See Susan K. McCarthy, A New Era of Development?: The State, Minorities, and Dilemmas of Development in Contemporary China, 26 Fletcher F. World Aff. (2002), 104; Randall Peerenboom, above n.2, 659–661; Susan K. McCarthy, above n.2 104–117.114The White Paper, above n.1, paras.44–45, claims that: [s]ince 2000, when China introduced the strategy of large-scale development of its western regions, the state has made it a top task to accelerate the development of the ethnic minorities and minority areas … . The “Develop the West” campaign has brought about visible profits to the minority areas.Compare with: [The West Development Strategy's] official development goals are undermined by three unspoken but overarching objectives—resource extraction from the borderlands to benefit the coast, assimilation of local ethnic minority groups through Han Chinese population transfers to the autonomous areas, and the alternate purpose of infrastructure development for military use.China: Minority Exclusion, Marginalization and Rising Tensions, A report by Human Rights in China and Commissioned by Minority Rights Group International, 25 April 2007, 22–25 (http://hrichina.org/sites/default/files/oldsite/PDFs/MRG-HRIC.China.Report.pdf).115The White Paper, above n.1, para.27 (emphasis added).116See Kelley Loper, Substantive Equality in International Human Rights Law and its Relevance for the Resolution of Tibetan Autonomy Claims, 37 N.C.J. Int'l L. & Com. Reg. (2011), 1.117See Arthur Rosett, Legal Structures for Special Treatment of Minorities in the People's Republic of China, 66 Notre Dame L. Rev. (1991), 1503, 1518–1520.118See John Fitzgerald, Reports of My Death Have Been Greatly Exaggerated: The History of the Death of China, in: David S.G. Goodman and Gerald Segal (eds.), China Deconstructs: Politics, Trade and Regionalism (1994), 21; Lincoln Kaye, The Grip Slips, Far Eastern Economic Review (11 May 1995), 18; Gerald Segal, China's Changing Shape, 73 Foreign Affairs (1994), 43; Arthur Waldron, Warlordism versus Federalism: The Revival of a Debate? 121 The China Quarterly (1990), 117.119See Chien-peng Chung, Confronting Terrorism and Other Evils in China: All Quiet on the Western Front? 4 The China and Eurasia Forum Quarterly (May 2006), 75, 78–80, 84–87.120See June Teufel Dreyer, China's Vulnerability to Minority Separatism, 32 Asian Affairs: an American Review (2005), 69, 81–84.121World Bank, China Overview (http://www.worldbank.org/en/country/china/overview); Justin McCurry and Julia Kollewe, China Overtakes Japan as World's Second-largest Economy, The Guardian, 14 February 2011 (http://www.guardian.co.uk/business/2011/feb/14/china-second-largest-economy); Josephine Moulds, China's Economy to Overtake US in Next Four Years, Says OECD, The Guardian, 9 November 2012 (http://www.guardian.co.uk/business/2012/nov/09/china-overtake-us-four-years-oecd).122For a discussion of the role of international law and China as a “leader State”, see Sienho Yee, Towards a Harmonious World: The Roles of the International Law of Co-progressiveness and Leader States, 7 Chinese JIL (2008), 99.123Xiaohui Wu, No Longer Outside, Not Yet Equal: Rethinking China's Membership in the World Trade Organization, 10 Chinese JIL 227 (2011), 227.124Zhuang Pinghui, China's Rise is Peaceful, Xi Jinping Tells Foreign Experts, South China Morning Post, 6 December 2012 (http://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/1098533/chinas-rise-peaceful-xi-jinping-tells-foreign-experts).125Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the PRC, Xi Jinping Holds Discussion Meeting with Foreign Experts, 5 December 2012 (http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx/t996718.htm).126See generally the White Paper, above n.1.

Author notes

*Member of the Chinese Society of International Law, Beijing; S.J.D., University of Toronto; formerly Team Leader of the Rule of Law and Democracy Team at the United Nations Development Programme China Office. The paper was completed on 12 February 2014. Unless otherwise stated, the websites referenced were last accessed on the date that the paper was completed.© The Author 2014. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved

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民族和国籍在英语中如何区分?外国人是没有「民族」的概念吗? - 知乎

民族和国籍在英语中如何区分?外国人是没有「民族」的概念吗? - 知乎首页知乎知学堂发现等你来答​切换模式登录/注册民族国家种族民族和国籍在英语中如何区分?外国人是没有「民族」的概念吗?那天带外国人吃云南菜,想说这是个少数民族菜,突然想到一个问题,minority 在老外理解看来是少数人群吧,并不是特指民族概念吧?民族在英文中也是 n…显示全部 ​关注者91被浏览102,267关注问题​写回答​邀请回答​2 条评论​分享​14 个回答默认排序王赟 Maigo​2022 年度新知答主​ 关注「民族」有对应的英语词。若是指某一个人的民族属性,可以说 ethnicity;若是指某一个民族群体,可以说 ethnic group。minority 指「少数群体」,不一定按民族划分。但在讨论民族的语境中,就是指「少数民族」了。在没有语境的情况下,可以说 minority ethnic groups 明确指代「少数民族」。发布于 2017-12-13 02:44​赞同 29​​5 条评论​分享​收藏​喜欢收起​匿名用户将“民族”译为 nationality 是中国的官方译法,有历史惯性。现代英文中,除了少数例外,nationality 实际已经被“国籍”独占。表示“民族”时,为避免误会,一般使用 ethnic group。People 也可表示民族(表示民族时,复数为peoples),但似乎现在使用较少,而且几乎见不到单数使用,只用复数 peoples 表示笼统的“多个民族”。另,美国也常用 ethnic origin,强调“来自”哪里。编辑于 2017-12-13 09:48​赞同 50​​14 条评论​分享​收藏​喜欢

Ethnic minorities in China - Wikipedia

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1History of ethnicity in China

Toggle History of ethnicity in China subsection

1.1Early history

1.2Distinguishing nationalities in the PRC

1.3Reform and opening up

2Ethnic groups

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2.1Demographics

2.2List of ethnic groups

2.3Undistinguished ethnic groups

3Guarantee of rights and interests

4Religions and their most common affiliations

5Ethnic Minority Representation in the leadership of the CCP

6See also

7References

8Further reading

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Ethnic minorities in China

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

55 recognized ethnic minorities in Mainland China

For a list of ethnic groups in China, see List of ethnic groups in China and Languages of China.

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Ethnic minorities in China are the non-Han population in the People's Republic of China (PRC).

The PRC officially recognizes 55 ethnic minority groups within China in addition to the Han majority.[1] As of 2010, the combined population of officially-recognized minority groups comprised 8.49% of the population of Mainland China.[2] In addition to these officially-recognized ethnic minority groups, there are Chinese nationals who privately classify themselves as members of unrecognized ethnic groups, such as the very small Chinese Jewish, Tuvan, and Ili Turk communities, as well as the much larger Oirat and Japanese communities.

In Chinese, 'ethnic minority' has translated to shǎoshù mínzú (少數民族), wherein mínzú (民族) means 'nationality' or 'nation' (as in ethnic group)—in line with the Soviet concept of ethnicity—and shǎoshù (少數) means 'minority'.[3][4][5] Since the anthropological concept of ethnicity does not precisely match the Chinese or Soviet concepts (which are defined and regulated by the state), some scholars use the neologism zúqún (族群, 'ethnic group') to unambiguously refer to ethnicity.[6] Including shaoshu mínzu, Sun Yat-sen used the term zhōnghuá mínzú (中華民族, 'Chinese nation' or 'Chinese nationality') to reflect his belief that all of China's ethnic groups were parts of a single Chinese nation.[7]

The ethnic minority groups officially recognized by the PRC include those residing within mainland China as well as Taiwanese aborigines. However, the PRC does not accept the term aborigines or its variations, since it might suggest that Han people are not indigenous to Taiwan, or that Taiwan is not a core territory of China. Also, where the Republic of China (ROC) government in Taiwan, as of 2020, officially recognises 16 Taiwanese aboriginal tribes, the PRC classifies them all under a single ethnic group, the Gāoshān (高山, 'high mountain') minority, out of reluctance to recognize ethnic classifications derived from the work of Japanese anthropologists during the Japanese colonial era. (This is despite the fact that not all Taiwanese aborigines have traditional territories in the mountains; for example, the Tao People traditionally inhabit the island of Lanyu.) The regional governments of Hong Kong and Macau do not use this ethnic classification system, so figures by the PRC government exclude these two territories.

History of ethnicity in China[edit]

Further information: Ethnic groups in Chinese history and Racism in China

Early history[edit]

An 8th-century Tang dynasty Chinese clay figurine of a Sogdian man (an Eastern Iranian person) wearing a distinctive cap and face veil, possibly a camel rider or even a Zoroastrian priest engaging in a ritual at a fire temple, since face veils were used to avoid contaminating the holy fire with breath or saliva; Museum of Oriental Art (Turin), Italy.[8]

Throughout much of recorded Chinese history, there was little attempt by Chinese authors to separate the concepts of nationality, culture, and ethnicity.[9] Those outside of the reach of imperial control and dominant patterns of Chinese culture were thought of as separate groups of people regardless of whether they would today be considered as a separate ethnicity. The self-conceptualization of Han largely revolved around this center-periphery cultural divide. Thus, the process of Sinicization throughout history had as much to do with the spreading of imperial rule and culture as it did with actual ethnic migration.[citation needed]

This understanding persisted (with some changes during the Qing dynasty due to the importation of Western ideas) until the Communists seized power in 1949. Their understanding of minorities had been heavily influenced by the policies of the Soviet leader Joseph Stalin—and they also influenced the Communist regimes in the neighbouring countries of Vietnam and Laos[10]—but the Soviet definition of minorities did not cleanly map onto the Chinese people's historical definition of minorities. Soviet thinking about minorities was based on the belief that a nation consisted of people who spoke and wrote a common language, people whose culture was historic, and historic territory. Therefore, The people who inhabited each nation had the theoretical right to secede from a proposed federated government.[11] This differed from the previous way of thinking mainly in that instead of defining all those under imperial rule as Chinese, the nation (as defined as a space upon which power is projected) and ethnicity (the identity of the governed) were now separate; being under central rule no longer automatically meant being defined as Chinese. The Soviet model as applied to China gave rise to the autonomous regions in China; these areas were thought to be their own nations that had theoretical autonomy from the central government.[12]

During World War II, the American Asiatic Association published an entry in the 40th volume of their academic journal, Asia, concerning the problem of whether Chinese Muslims were Chinese or a separate 'ethnic minority', and the factors which led to either classification.[13] It tackled the question of why Muslims who were Chinese were considered a different race from other Chinese, and the separate question of whether all Muslims in China were united into one race. The first problem was posed with a comparison to Chinese Buddhists, who were not considered a separate race.[14] It concluded that the reason Chinese Muslims were considered separate was because of different factors like religion, culture, military feudalism, and that considering them a "racial minority" was wrong. It also came to the conclusion that the Japanese military spokesman was the only person who was propagating the false assertion that Chinese Muslims had "racial unity", which was disproved by the fact that Muslims in China were composed of multitudes of different races, separate from each other as were the "Germans and English", such as the Mongol Hui of Hezhou, Salar Hui of Qinghai, and Chan Tou Hui of Turkistan. The Japanese were trying to spread the lie that Chinese Muslims were one race, in order to propagate the claim that they should be separated from China into an "independent political organization."[13]

Distinguishing nationalities in the PRC[edit]

Early documents of the People's Republic of China (PRC), such as the 1982 constitution,[15] followed the Soviet practice of identifying 'nationalities' in the sense of ethnic groups (the concept is not to be confused with state citizenship).[3][5] The Chinese term mínzú (民族), borrowed from Japanese during the Republican period, translates this Soviet concept. The English translation (common in official documents) of 'nationality' again follows Soviet practice; in order to avoid confusion, however, alternative phraseology such as 'ethnicity' or 'ethnic group' is often used. Since the anthropological concept of ethnicity does not precisely match the Chinese or Soviet concepts (which, after all, are defined and regulated by the state), some scholars use the neologism zuqun (族群, 'ethnic group') to unambiguously refer to ethnicity.[6]

After 1949, a team of social scientists was assembled to enumerate the various mínzú. An immediate difficulty was that identities "on the ground" did not necessarily follow logically from things like shared languages or cultures; two neighboring regions might seem to share a common culture, and yet insist on their distinct identities.[16] Since this would lead to absurd results—every village could hardly send a representative to the National People's Congress—the social scientists attempted to construct coherent groupings of minorities using language as the main criterion for differentiation. Thus some villages with very different cultural practices and histories were lumped together under the same ethnonym. For example, the "Zhuang" ethnic group largely served as a catch-all for various hill villages in Guangxi province.[17]

The actual census taking of who was and was not a minority further eroded the neat differentiating lines the social scientists had drawn up. Individual ethnic status was often awarded based on family tree histories. If one had a father (or mother, for ethnic groups that were considered matrilineal) that had a surname considered to belong to a particular ethnic group, then one was awarded the coveted minority status. This had the result that villages that had previously thought of themselves as homogenous and essentially Han were now divided between those with ethnic identity and those without.[18]

The team of social scientists that assembled the list of all the ethnic groups also described what they considered to be the key differentiating attributes between each group, including culture, custom, and language. The center then used this list of attributes to select representatives of each group to perform on television and radio in an attempt to reinforce the government's narrative of China as a multi-ethnic state and to prevent the culture of the minority ethnic groups from assimilating by the Han and the rest of the world.[19] However, with the development of modern technology, these attempts brought little effect. In fact, many of those labeled as specific minorities bore no relationship to the music, clothing, and other practices presented with images and representations of "their people" in the media.

Under this process, 39 ethnic groups were recognized by the first national census in 1954. This further increased to 54 by the second national census in 1964, with the Lhoba group added in 1965. The last change was the addition of the Jino people in 1979, bringing the number of recognized ethnic groups to the current 56.

Reform and opening up[edit]

Ethnolinguistic map of China in 1983.[20]However, as China opened up and reformed post-1979, many Han acquired enough money to begin to travel. One of the favorite travel experiences of the wealthy was visits to minority areas, to see the exotic rituals of the minority peoples.[21][22] Responding to this interest, many minority entrepreneurs, despite themselves perhaps never having grown up practicing the dances, rituals, or songs themselves, began to cater to these tourists by performing acts similar to what the older generation or the local residents told. In this way, the groups of people named Zhuang or other named minorities have begun to have more in common with their fellow co-ethnics, as they have adopted similar self-conceptions in response to the economic demand of consumers for their performances.[citation needed]

The categorization of 55 minority groups was a major step forward from denial of the existence of different ethnic groups in China which had been the policy of Sun Yet-Sen's Nationalist government that came to power in 1911, which also engaged in the common use of derogatory names to refer to minorities (a practice officially abolished in 1951).[3] However, the Communist Party's categorization was also rampantly criticized since it reduced the number of recognized ethnic groups by eightfold,[citation needed] and today the wei shibie menzu (literally 'undistinguished ethnic groups') total more than 730,000 people. These groups include Geija, Khmu, Kucong, Mang, Deng, Sherpas, Bajia and Youtai (Jewish).[citation needed]

After the breakup of Yugoslavia and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, there was a shift in official conceptions of minorities in China: rather than defining them as 'nationalities', they became 'ethnic groups'. The difference between 'nationality' and 'ethnicity', as Uradyn Erden-Bulag describes it, is that the former treats the minorities of China as societies with "a fully functional division of labor," history, and territory, whereas the latter treats minorities as a "category" and focuses on their maintenance of boundaries and their self-definition in relation to the majority group. These changes are reflected in uses of the term mínzú (民族) and its translations. The official journal Minzu Tuanjie changed its English name from Nationality Unity to Ethnic Unity in 1995. Similarly, the Central University for Nationalities changed its name to Minzu University of China. Scholars began to prefer the term zuqun (族群, 'ethnic group') over minzu.[23] The Chinese model for identifying and categorizing ethnic minorities established at the founding of the PRC followed the Soviet model, drawing inspiration from Joseph Stalin's 1953 'four commons' criteria to identify ethnic groups: "(1) a distinct language; (2) a recognized indigenous homeland or common territory; (3) a common economic life; and (4) a strong sense of identity and distinctive customs, including dress, religion and foods."[citation needed]

Following the breakup of the Soviet Union intellectuals and policymakers within China began to argue that the designation of minority groups could be a threat to the country. Violence in Xinjiang and Tibet provided evidence for this argument. Beijing University professor Ma Rong argued that the Chinese Communist Party had unwittingly created a "dual structure" of governance in which the representation and identity given to recognized ethnic groups would increase ethnocultural differences and create social conflict. He recommended new policies of ethnic fusion and assimilation. These proposals made by Ma and others were controversial at the time but they would find a place at the heart of the policy of the Xi Jinping administration. Xi has shifted state policy towards assimilation in what he calls the "grand minzu fusion" or "the coalescing of blood and minds."[24] The CCP under Xi has reacted to violence committed by a number of Uyghurs by the imprisonment of this group in the Xinjiang internment camps.[25]

In 2020 a Han Chinese was named director of the State Ethnic Affairs Commission for the first time since 1954.[24]

Ethnic groups[edit]

See also: List of ethnic groups in China

The Long-horn tribe, a small branch of ethnic Miao in the western part of Guizhou Province

China is officially composed of 56 ethnic groups (55 minorities plus the dominant Han). However, some of the ethnic groups as classified by the PRC government contain, within themselves, diverse groups of people. Various groups of the Miao minority, for example, speak different dialects of the Hmong–Mien languages, Tai–Kadai languages, and Chinese, and practice a variety of different cultural customs.[26] Whereas in many nations a citizen's minority status is defined by their self-identification as an ethnic minority, in China minority nationality (xiaoshu minzu) is fixed at birth, a practice that can be traced to the foundation of the PRC, when the Communist Party commissioned studies to categorize and delineate groups based on research teams' investigation of minorities' social history, economic life, language and religion in China's different regions.

The degree of variation between ethnic groups is not consistent. Many ethnic groups are described as having unique characteristics from other minority groups and from the dominant Han, but there are also some that are very similar to the Han majority group. Most Hui Chinese are indistinguishable from Han Chinese except for the fact that they practice Islam, and most Manchu are considered to be largely assimilated into dominant Han society.[citation needed]

China's official 55 minorities are located primarily in the south, west, and north of China. Only Tibet Autonomous Region and Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region have a majority population of official minorities, while all other provinces, municipalities and regions of China have a Han majority. In Beijing itself, the Han ethnic composition makes up nearly 96% of the total population, while the ethnic minority total is 4.31%, or a population of 584,692 (as of 2008).[citation needed]

Much of the dialog within China regarding minorities has generally portrayed minorities as being further behind the Han in progress toward modernization and modernity. Minority groups are often portrayed as rustic, wild, and antiquated. As the government often portrays itself as a benefactor of the minorities, those less willing to assimilate (despite the offers of assistance) are portrayed as masculine, violent, and unreasonable. Groups that have been depicted this way include the Tibetans, Uyghurs and the Mongols.[27] Groups that have been more willing to assimilate (and accept the help of the government) are often portrayed as feminine and sexual, including the Miao, Tujia and the Dai.[19]

Demographics[edit]

The largest ethnic group, Han, according to a 2005 sampling, constitute about 91.9% of the total population. The next largest ethnic groups in terms of population include the Zhuang (18 million), Manchu (10 million), Hui (10 million), Miao (9 million), Uyghur (8 million), Yi (7.8 million), Tujia (8 million), Mongols (5.8 million), Tibetans (5.4 million), Buyei (3 million), Yao (3.1 million), and Koreans (2.5 million). Minority populations have grown fast due to them being unaffected by the One Child Policy.[28]

List of ethnic groups[edit]

Ethnic minorities with low populations (fewer than 100,000 individuals) were not taken into account here.[29]

Ethnic Hans

Beijing Hans

Chongqing Hans

Gan Hans

Gansu Hans

Guizhou Hans

Hainan Hans

Hakka Hans

Hebei Hans

Heilongjiang Hans

Henan Hans

Hubei Hans

Jiaoliao Hans

Jilin & Liaoning Hans

Lower Yangtze Hans

Min Hans

Shaanxi Hans

Shandong Hans

Shanxi Hans

Sichuan Hans

Taiwan Hans

Tianjin Hans

Wu Hans

Xiang Hans

Yue Hans

Yunnan Hans

Ethnic minorities

Bai

Chinese Koreans

Dai

Dong

Evenki

Hani

Hui

Jingpo

Kazakhs

Kyrgyz

Lahu

Li

Lisu

Manchus

Maonan

Miao

Taiwanese indigenous people

Tajiks

Tibetans

Tujia

Uyghurs

Wa

Yao

Yi

Zhuang

Mongolian (sub)groups

Buryats

Chinese Mongols

Daurs

Khalka Mongols

Oirat Mongols

Undistinguished ethnic groups[edit]

Main article: Unrecognized ethnic groups in China

"Undistinguished" ethnic groups are ethnic groups that have not been officially recognized or classified by the central government. The group numbers more than 730,000 people, and would constitute the twentieth most populous ethnic group of China if taken as a single group. The vast majority of this group is found in Guizhou Province.[citation needed]

These "undistinguished ethnic groups" do not include groups that have been controversially classified into existing groups. For example, the Mosuo are officially classified as Naxi, and the Chuanqing are classified as Han Chinese, but they reject these classifications and view themselves as separate ethnic groups.

Citizens of mainland China who are of foreign origin are classified using yet another separate label: "foreigners naturalized into the Chinese citizenship" (外国人入中国籍). However, if a newly naturalized citizen already belongs to a recognized existing group among the 56 ethnic groups, then he or she is classified into that ethnic group rather than the special label.

Guarantee of rights and interests[edit]

Major Autonomous areas within Yunnan. (excluding Hui)

Major Autonomous areas within Guizhou. (excluding Hui)

Main article: Affirmative action in China

The PRC's Constitution and laws guarantee equal rights to all ethnic groups in China and help promote ethnic minority groups' economic and cultural development.[30] The constitution prohibits both discrimination and acts of disunity.[31] Articles 115 and 116 of the constitution state that in the provincial level autonomous regions and the autonomous prefectures and counties set aside for minority administration, local states via the local people's congresses "have the power to enact regulations on the exercise of autonomy and other separate regulations in the light of the political, economic, and cultural characteristics" of those areas.[31]

One notable preferential treatment ethnic minorities enjoy was their exemption from the population growth control of the One-Child Policy. But according to an investigative report by The Associated Press published at 28 June 2020, the Chinese government is taking draconian measures to slash birth rates among Uighurs and other minorities as part of a sweeping campaign to curb its Muslim population, even as it encourages some of the country's Han majority to have more children.[32]

While individual women have spoken out before about forced birth control, the practice is far more widespread and systematic than previously known, according to an AP investigation based on government statistics, state documents and interviews with 30 ex-detainees, family members and a former detention camp instructor. The campaign over the past four years in the far west region of Xinjiang is leading to what some experts are calling a form of "demographic genocide".[32] Ethnic minorities enjoy other special exemptions which vary by province- these include lower tax thresholds and lower required scores for entry into university. The use of these measures to raise ethnic minorities' human capital is seen by the central government as important for improving the economic development of ethnic minorities. Ethnic minorities are represented in the National People's Congress as well as governments at the provincial and prefectural levels. Some ethnic minorities in China live in what are described as ethnic autonomous areas. These "regional autonomies" guarantee ethnic minorities the freedom to use and develop their ethnic languages, and to maintain their own cultural and social customs. In addition, the PRC government has provided preferential economic development and aid to areas where ethnic minorities live. Furthermore, the Chinese government has allowed and encouraged the involvement of ethnic minority participation in the party. Even though ethnic minorities in China are granted specific rights and freedoms, many ethnic minorities still have headed towards the urban life in order to obtain a well paid job.[33]

Minorities have widely benefited from China's minimum livelihood guarantee program (known as the dibao) a programme introduced nationwide in 1999 whose number of participants had reached nearly twenty million by 2012. The nature of the selection process entails that the programme's providers be proactive and willing in seeking out impoverished prospective participants, as opposed to more comprehensive welfare schemes such as the Urban Resident Basic Medical Insurance Scheme (URBMI), which is universally implemented. As such, the selection process for participants in the dibao programme has generated a perception among observers of the scheme that this programme have been used to mitigate dissent and neutralize any threat to the government that could lead to unrest- including negative performance evaluations of local officials.[citation needed]

The Chinese government has committed a series of ongoing human rights abuses against Uyghurs and other ethnic and religious minorities in Xinjiang that is often characterized as Uyghurs genocide starting in 2014.

Religions and their most common affiliations[edit]

Buddhism/Taoism — the Miao (minority), Lisu (minority), Bai, Bulang, Dai, Jinuo, Jing, Jingpo, Mongol, Manchu, Naxi (including Mosuo), Nu, Tai, Tibetan, Zhuang (minority), Yi (minority), and Yugur ("Yellow Uyghurs").[34]

Eastern Orthodox Christianity — the Russians

Islam — the Hui, Uyghurs, Kazakhs, Dongxiang people, Kyrgyz people, Salar, Tajiks, Uzbeks, Bonans, and Tatars.[35]

Judaism — Kaifeng Jews

Protestant Christianity — the Lisu (70%; see Lisu Church)

Shamanism/Animism — Daur, Ewenkis, Oroqen, Hezhen, and Derung.

Ethnic Minority Representation in the leadership of the CCP[edit]

Since the People's Republic of China was established, ethnic minorities have made up around 10% of the Central Committee,[36][better source needed] whereas the rest of the members are of the Han Chinese ethnic group. That being said, a majority of the ethnic minority members of the Central Committee are alternate members.[36][better source needed] In the 19th Congress there are only 16 full time members who are ethnic minorities.[36][better source needed] While only 6 of the 55 ethnic minorities are represented in the Central Committee,[37] the percentage of ethnic minority members in the Central Committee exceeds the percentage of ethnic minority population in China. Ethnic minorities only make up roughly 7.5% of China's population, whereas 92% are Han Chinese,[38] the dominant ethnicity. Still the majority of ethnic minorities are severely underrepresented in the Central Committee.

A study conducted by three scholars in 2012, "Getting Ahead in the Communist Party: Explaining the Advancement of Central Committee Members", found that ethnic minorities had an advantage when being considered for promotion in Congress. They explain this phenomenon through the United Front policies that China has been engaged with since the Reform Era.[39] These policies attempt to promote stability and legitimacy among the ethnic minority population through concerted efforts to involve them in the country's politics . Thus the authors argue this is why ethnic minorities enjoyed an advantage in the Reform Period. Other scholars add that the Party is eager to include ethnic minorities in the government because of the backlash that China has faced from the rest of the world concerning the way they treated Tibet and most recently the Uyghurs in Xinjiang.[40] Including ethnic minorities in the Party's leadership adds to the "United Front" that China wants to portray.[41] Though they are included, it remains unclear as to what amount of influence they assert.[42]

See also[edit]

China portal

Affirmative action in China

Han Chinese subgroups

China National Ethnic Song and Dance Ensemble

Chinese nationality law

Demographics of the People's Republic of China and Taiwan

Demographics of China#Population density and distribution

Dzungar genocide

Ethnic groups in Chinese history

Ethnic issues in China

Graphic pejoratives in written Chinese

Human rights in China

List of Chinese administrative divisions by ethnic group

List of endangered languages in China

List of ethnic groups in China

Minzu University of China, a university in Beijing designated for ethnic minorities.

Secession in China

Sinocentrism

Taiwanese indigenous peoples

Unrecognized ethnic groups in China

Persecution of Uyghurs in China

Zhonghua minzu

References[edit]

^ "Ethnic Groups in China". English.gov.cn. 26 August 2014.

^ Wang Guanqun, ed. (28 April 2011). "Han Chinese proportion in China's population drops: census data". English.news.cn. Archived from the original on 2 May 2011.

^ a b c Binggao, Jin. [1987] 1988. "When Does The Word 'Minority Nationality' [Shaoshu Minzu] [First] Appear in Our Country?," translated by Tibet Information Network. Bulletin of the History of the Tibet Communist Party 1(19). p. 45 ff.

^ Chang, Ntxheb. "Conclusion: Splendid China and Being Minzu." Being Shaoshu Minzu in Contemporary China. US: Boston College. via Mediakron.

^ a b Moseley, George. "China's Fresh Approach to the National Minority Question." The China Quarterly.

^ a b Perry, Elizabeth J.; Selden, Mark, eds. (5 April 2010), "Alter/native Mongolian identity: From nationality to ethnic group", Chinese Society (0 ed.), Routledge, p. 284, doi:10.4324/9780203856314-17, ISBN 978-0-203-85631-4

^ Landis, Dan, and Rosita D. Albert. 2012. Handbook of Ethnic Conflict: International Perspectives. Springer. ISBN 978-1461404477. p. 182 (archived).

^ Lee Lawrence. (3 September 2011). "A Mysterious Stranger in China". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 31 August 2016.

^ Harrell, Stephan (1996). Cultural encounters on China's ethnic frontiers. Seattle: University of Washington Press. ISBN 978-0-295-97380-7.

^ Michaud J., 2009 Handling Mountain Minorities in China, Vietnam and Laos : From History to Current Issues. Asian Ethnicity 10(1): 25–49.

^ Blaut, J. M. (1987). "The Theory of National Minorities". The National Question: Decolonizing the Theory of Nationalism. London: Zed Books. ISBN 978-0-86232-439-1.

^ Ma, Rong (June 2010). "The Soviet Model's Influence and the Current Debate on Ethnic Relations". Global Asia.

^ a b American Asiatic Association (1940). Asia: journal of the American Asiatic Association, Volume 40. Asia Pub. Co. p. 660. Retrieved 8 May 2011.

^ Hartford Seminary Foundation (1941). The Moslem World, Volumes 31–34. Hartford Seminary Foundation. p. 182. Retrieved 8 May 2011.

^ Constitution of the People's Republic of China Archived 23 May 2006 at the Wayback Machine, 4 December 1982. Retrieved 27 February 2007.

^ Mullaney, Thomas (2010). "Seeing for the State: The Role of Social Scientists in China's Ethnic Classification Project". Asian Ethnicity. 11 (3): 325–342. doi:10.1080/14631369.2010.510874. S2CID 145787875.

^ Kaup, Katherine Palmer (2002). "Regionalism versus Ethnic nationalism". The China Quarterly. 172: 863–884. doi:10.1017/s0009443902000530. S2CID 154596032.

^ Mullaney, Thomas (2004). "Ethnic Classification Writ Large: The 1954 Yunnan Province Ethnic Classification Project and its Foundations in Republican-Era Taxonomic Thought". China Information. 18 (2): 207–241. doi:10.1177/0920203X04044685. S2CID 146596892.

^ a b Gladney, Dru C. (1994). "Representing Nationality in China: Refiguring Majority/Minority Identities". The Journal of Asian Studies. 53 (1): 92–123. doi:10.2307/2059528. JSTOR 2059528. S2CID 162540993.

^ "China - Ethnolinguistic Groups 1983". University of Texas Libraries. 1983. Retrieved 20 September 2019.

^ Oakes, Timothy S. (31 December 2017), Picard, Michel; Wood, Robert E. (eds.), "2. Ethnic Tourism in Rural Guizhou: Sense of Place and the Commerce of Authenticity", Tourism, Ethnicity, and the State in Asian and Pacific Societies, University of Hawaii Press, pp. 35–70, doi:10.1515/9780824865252-003, ISBN 978-0-8248-6525-2

^ Hillman, Ben (2003). "Paradise under Construction: Minorities, Myths and Modernity in Northwest Yunnan" (PDF). Asian Ethnicity. 4 (2): 177–190. doi:10.1080/14631360301654. S2CID 143987010.

^ Perry, Elizabeth J.; Selden, Mark; Uradyn Erden-Bulag. "Alter/native Mongolian identity: From nationality to ethnic group". Chinese Society: Change, conflict and resistance. Routledge. pp. 261–287. ISBN 978-0-203-85631-4.

^ a b Leibold, James. "Beyond Xinjiang: Xi Jinping's Ethnic Crackdown". thediplomat.com. The Diplomat. Retrieved 5 May 2021.

^ "Dismantling China's Muslim gulag in Xinjiang is not enough". The Economist. 9 January 2020. ISSN 0013-0613. Retrieved 16 November 2020. A tiny minority have made their displeasure known violently. China has reacted by building a vast network of prison camps and tossing perhaps 1m Uighurs into it for "vocational training"

^ Xiaobing Li, and Patrick Fuliang Shan, Ethnic China: Identity, Assimilation and Resistance, Lexington and Rowman & Littlefield, 2015.

^ Hillman, Ben (2006). "Macho Minority: Masculinity and Ethnicity on the Edge of Tibet" (PDF). Modern China. 32 (2): 251–272. doi:10.1177/0097700405286186. S2CID 53869758. Archived from the original (PDF) on 6 February 2016. Despite tremendous diversity among this broad and dubious ethnic category, the Han became the personification of the new nation and a symbol of modernity and progress. The new Communist Party leaders continued this project, presenting the Han peoples as the harbingers of modernity and progress, a beacon to the non- Han peoples of the political periphery who found themselves unwitting members of a new nation-state defined by clear borders (...) Ethnic minorities entered the national imagination as the primitive Other against which China's modern national identity could be constructed.

^ "MINORITIES IN CHINA | Facts and Details". Factsanddetails.com.

^ "China & Mongolia Regional DNA Project". Eupedia.

^ "Constitution of the People's Republic of China".

^ a b Lin, Chun (2006). The transformation of Chinese socialism. Durham [N.C.]: Duke University Press. p. 101. ISBN 978-0-8223-3785-0. OCLC 63178961.

^ a b AP’s global investigative team (28 June 2020). "China cuts Uighur births with IUDs, abortion, sterilization". Associated Press. Retrieved 1 August 2020.

^ Yardley, Jim (11 May 2008). "China Sticking With One-Child Policy". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 November 2008.

^ "Ethnic Groups". China.org.cn. Retrieved 7 March 2019.

^ Jackie Armijo (Winter 2006). "Islamic Education in China". Harvard Asia Quarterly. 10 (1). Archived from the original on 28 September 2007.

^ a b c "Periphery: Ethnic Minority Candidates for the 20th Central Committee". China-US Focus. 11 June 2022. Retrieved 22 September 2023.

^ "Who Rules China? Comparing Representation on the NPC and Central Committee". MacroPolo. Retrieved 22 September 2023.

^ Solis, Jacqueline. "LibGuides: Chinese Ethnic Groups: Overview Statistics". guides.lib.unc.edu. Retrieved 22 September 2023.

^ Shih, Victor; Adolph, Christopher; Liu, Mingxing (February 2012). "Getting Ahead in the Communist Party: Explaining the Advancement of Central Committee Members in China". American Political Science Review. 106 (1): 166–187. doi:10.1017/S0003055411000566. ISSN 0003-0554.

^ "Uyghurs | Human Rights Watch". www.hrw.org. Retrieved 22 September 2023.

^ Li, Cheng (2008). "Ethnic Minority Elites in China's Party-State Leadership". {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)

^ "How much of the NPC is composed of women and ethnic minorities?". South China Morning Post. 11 March 2021. Retrieved 22 September 2023.

Further reading[edit]

Tang, Wenfang and He, Gaochao. "Separate but Loyal: Ethnicity and Nationalism in China." Policy Studies 56. East–West Center.

China Ethnic Statistical Yearbook 2016

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Chinese Culture

Chinese Ethnic Groups

Written by Fercility JiangUpdated Jul. 18, 2023

China is a multi-ethnic nation. Besides Han Chinese, who make up over 90% of China's population, there are officially 55 minority ethnic groups living in China. Their costumes, festivals, and customs can be unique and colorful and are some of China's unique attractions.

The 10 Most Popular Minorities with Tourists

Most of the 10 most popular minorities in China live in unusually beautiful countryside or natural areas. Tourists like to see that as well as enjoy their distinctive cuisines and entertainment. Some such as the Tibetans, Manchus, and Uyghurs have notable ancient architecture, while others such as the Zhuang and Yao are noted for their beautiful terraced fields.

1. Zhuang - The Largest Ethnic Group

Longji Ancient Zhuang Village

The Zhuang ethnic group is the largest of the 55 minorities in China. About 18 million live in the south and southeast. Their main homeland is in the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region and Yunnan Province. Others live in Hunan, Guizhou and Sichuan provinces.

Ethnic traits: Their main regional attractions are their beautiful countryside areas with intricate and beautifully scenic terraced fields such as Longji Old Zhuang Village (龙脊古壮寨). For an enjoyable visit, see our 4-Day Guilin City Essence and Longji Terraced Fields Hiking Tour.

2. Mongolians - The Most Famous Ethnic Minority

Mongolian people

The Mongolian ethnic group is best known for conquering most of Eurasia and establishing a large empire almost 1,000 years ago. The Mongolian Yuan Empire lasted about 100 years until 1368. Now, 6 million remain in China in Inner Mongolia, Jilin, Heilongjiang, Liaoning, Xinjiang, Hebei, and Qinghai Provinces.

Ethnic traits: They love hearty meat dishes, wrestling and horseback riding. Their annual Naadam summer sporting events are popular highlights you can visit with us.

3. The Hui - Chinese Muslims, the Most Widespread Minority

Lanzhou Hand Pulled Noodles Soup with beef is served in Hui restaurants all over China.

The Hui ethnic group is China's most widely distributed ethnic minority who are distinguished mainly by being ethnically Muslim. There is a sizeable population of 11 million. They live in the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region in northwestern China and in many cities and villages in the provinces of Gansu, Xinjiang, Qinghai, Hebei, Henan, Sichuan, Yunnan and Shandong.

Ethnic traits: Though they are culturally like the Han, they are distinguished by being converts to Islam or being descendants of Muslims. They don't have a language of their own, and most keep almost no Muslim customs. They are unlike the Uyghurs who retain their own language and culture. Hui are known across China for their popular Lanzhou noodle restaurants.

4. Miao - Distinctive Culture and Architecture

A Miao girl dressed in their silver clothing and jewelry.

The Miao ethnic group consists of about 10 million people in China, and their traditional homeland is around the area of Guizhou where 4 million now live. But they were scattered widespread by persecution .

Ethnic traits: The Miao are quite interesting to visit. They prefer silver, and the women clothe themselves in silver suits and jewelry, and these make good souvenirs. They were fiercely independent, and love music. They have a distinctive style of music and architectural style that tourists can appreciate.

5. Dong - Famed for Lusheng Music and Architecture

Chengyang Bridge

The Dong live mainly in the provinces of Guizhou, Hunan, and Guangxi. Their villages are often located near Miao villages in Guizhou, and there are about 3 million of them in China. Their language is related to Thai.

Like the Miao, the Dong are known for fine Lusheng music. They are famed for distinctive polyphonal musical concerts, and their architecture and craftsmanship as exemplified in Chengyang Bridge in the Sanjiang Village area is distinctive and appreciated by tourists.

6. Uyghur - The Largest Ethnic Group in Xinjiang

The Jiaohe Ruins

The Uyghurs are a distinctive minority whose homeland is Xinjiang. About 11 million live there and in other parts of China, especially in Hunan and Henan.

Their language is related to Turkish. Around China, they are known for their "Lanzhou noodle" restaurants and delicious Xinjiang-style food. They have a long and colorful history on the Silk Road. Turpan, for example, is an excellent place to see their ancient culture and architecture such as the Jaiohe Ruins.

7. Manchu - The Creators of the Qing Empire

The Forbidden City is where you can see how the Manchu dynastic clan lived together.

The Manchu ethnic group in China are the descendants of the Manchus and Mongolians who invaded the Ming Empire and created the Qing Empire (1664–1912). Now about 11 million live in China. They now live mainly in their ancestral territories in the provinces of Liaoning, Heilongjiang, and Jilin.

After the founding of the Qing Empire, the Manchus were assimilated with the majority Han. Now, only a small percentage speak the traditional language. You can learn about their history and empire at the Palace Museum.

8. Tibetans - Descendants of a Powerful Empire

Tibetans mainly live in Tibet Autonomous Region in western China.

The Tibetans once ruled the mountains of southwest China, and they had a vast empire from the 7th to the 9th centuries. Now, about 6 million live in China, and 3 million of them live in Tibet that was their former stronghold.

Physically, the Tibetans are unusual in that they are unusually well adapted to living at high altitude. Those living at high altitudes have 10 times more nitric oxide in their blood than most people. Many are devout Buddhists. The massive Potala Palace in Lhasa, their former capital, is a good place to learn about their culture and history.

9. Yao - Famed for Their Rice Terraces

The Red Yao women of Longsheng, Guilin have unusually long hair.

The Yao ethnic group has a population of over 2.6 million. They live mainly in Guangxi, Hunan, Yunnan, Guangdong, Guizhou and Jiangxi Provinces together with the Zhuang.

Ethnic traits: Most of the Yao people are farmers who live in small villages and towns that are distributed widely in mountainous areas. To see them at work and visit their villages, you can take a trip to Guilin to the Dazhai Village area to the see their beautiful Jinkeng Terraced Fields.

10. Naxi - Noted for the Unique Culture and Waterworks

The Naxi are a comparatively small group of people who mainly live in Yunnan Province. The city of Lijiang is where most of their 330,000 population live. The government designates the distinctive Mosuo people of the Lugu Lake area outside of Lijiang as Naxi as well. About 50,000 Mosuo live there.

Ethnic traits: The two groups are quite different. The Mosuo are noted for a heavily matriarchal social system. The Naxi are more cosmopolitan. They have their own distinctive writing system and literature. They were historically traders who built intricate waterworks for their towns exemplified in the Ancient Town of Lijiang.

Some Other Ethnic Groups in China

A Bai girl in traditional Bai clothes

We also have information about these 10 interesting ethnic groups in China:

Bai Minority: noted for business and cultural sophistication, mostly in Yunnan

Dai Minority: They live in tropical lowlands and are closely related to Thai people, mostly in Yunnan

Hani Minority: beautiful terraced rice paddies and quality tea, mostly in Yunnan

Kazak Minority: a Turkic pastoralist people and neighbors with the Uyghurs

Qiang Minority: a mountain people with mysterious origins and Central Asian architecture, mostly in Sichuan

Shui Minority: a coastal people who migrated inland and retain many aspects of a coastal lifestyle, mostly in Guizhou

Tujia Minority: The Tujia inhabit several rugged scenic areas such as Zhangjiajie.

Yi Minority: known historically for building the Nanzhao empire and now known for acrobatic dances, mostly in Yunnan

Buyi Minority: noted for their towns made of stone, mostly in Guizhou

Lisu Minority: noted for long festivals, dancing and native instruments in a wilderness area, mostly in Yunnan

See China's Minorities during a Tailor-Made China Tour

Your whole family can have a fascinating and memorable visit in an ethnic village.

If you want to explore China's ethnic villages. See our China's Festival Tours and our China Minority Tours of southwestern China and Tibet, or simply contact us for a tailor-made tour.

Shangri-La Exploration Tour - 8-Day Kunming, Dali, Lijiang, and Shangri-La Highlights Tour

Yunnan Ethnic Minorities Tour - 6-Day Kunming, Dali, and Lijiang Highlights Tour

Further Reading

The Guizhou Museum of Marriage Customs of Ethnic Minorities is the only museum in China that features marriage customs of ethnic minorities.

China's Top Minority Cities

Southern Minority Food

Silk Road History will help you learn about the history of the Uyghurs, Mongolians and other peoples along the Silk Road route and Xinjiang.

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Ethnic Minorities in China

The Mongols, Tibetans, Manchus, and Naxi

An essay on some of China's 56 ethnic minority groups. This essay provides a backdrop for understanding that China, like many places in the world, faces challenges about how to reconcile national borders with ethnic ones. The arguments surrounding these debates are very complex, with groups invoking history in different ways to legitimize their opposing stances.

China is a country of immense diversity in terrain, climate, and especially people. There are 56 officially recognized ethnic groups. The largest is the Han Chinese, numbering 900 million, who reside in every region of the country. The smallest group is the Hezhen, living in the far northeast, with fewer than 2,000 people. This essay introduces four groups-Mongols, Tibetans, the Manchus, and the Naxi--whose writings are in the Beijing National Library. It is important to note that China, like many places in the world, faces challenges about how to reconcile national borders with ethnic ones. Precisely when and how regions such as Mongolia and Tibet came to be part of China are points that are disputed by groups both within and outside of China. The arguments surrounding these debates are very complex, with groups invoking history in different ways to legitimize their opposing stances.

Mongols

Western images of Mongols often depict horse-riding nomads, living in yurts, or tents, and following their herds of sheep, horses, and cattle over the grassy plains of central Asia. Like the American cowboy, Mongols embody the pastoral image of free-spirited people living in harmony with their animals and the environment. There is a grain of truth to this stereotype. Some Mongol people make their living tending herds of animals and moving with the seasons, a practice known as nomadic pastoralism. However, this image does not capture the diversity found among Mongol people. There are sedentary farmers raising corn, wheat, oats, chickens, and pigs. Still other Mongol people combine aspects of nomadic pastoralism with sedentary agriculture. One family may divide the tasks among different members, with some moving to the steppes and tending the family herds, while others stay on the farm to raise crops. There are also Mongol doctors, lawyers, politicians, and professors. Some Mongols live in large cities, trading in stocks and bonds on international markets and designing Web pages. In short Mongols are as varied as any peoples in the world today.

There are three primary means of determining Mongol identity. They are history, language (written and spoken), and religion. Starting in 1206 C.E., led by the great Chingis Khan, Mongol armies spread out over Asia. By 1275, under Chinggis's grandson Khubilai Khan, the Mongols had established the largest land-based empire in the history of the world, stretching from Korea to southern China, through central Asia and what is now Russia. Mongol rule was established in Persia (today Iran), and, for a brief time, Mongol armies occupied parts of Eastern Europe, near what is now Poland and Hungary.

As this empire expanded from its core area in Mongolia, it stationed armies in various places throughout Asia. The descendants of those forces now reside as far south as Yunnan (in southwestern China), as far north as Lake Baikal in Russia (the Buriats), as far west as southwestern Russia (the Kalmyks), Afghanistan (the Moghols) and Xinjiang (the Oirats), and of course, in the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region in China and Mongolia. Though these groups live thousands of miles apart, there is recognition of a common heritage going back to the thirteenth century. A common language also unites Mongols. All speak Mongolian, with minor linguistic differences, and use the same unique script. Written from top to bottom, left to right, the script was adapted in the thirteenth century from the Uighur script, when the expanding Mongol Empire needed a means to communicate. The People's Republic of Mongolia, what is now known as Mongolia, used the Cyrillic alphabet to write the Mongolian language while the country was under the influence of the Soviet Union. In recent times, however, attempts have been made to reintroduce the traditional script.

Religion is another unifying force for Mongol society. Shortly after conquering most of Asia in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Mongols were introduced to Buddhism, particularly Tibetan Buddhism. Monasteries were established to serve the religious needs of their communities, and to this day, Buddhist monasteries in Mongol communities continue to teach the holy scriptures by means of the Mongol script. For the 3.5 million Mongols living in China today, there is much in their culture with which to identify. History, language, and religion interact with other cultural practices, such as music and art, to form a rich tapestry.

Tibetans

Like Mongolia, Tibet was the center of a vast empire. Beginning in the seventh century, Tibetan armies moved north, east, and west from the area around the Yalu River in the region near present-day Lhasa. Within a few decades, they had conquered much of central Asia, including the important routes through Xinjiang used by China to trade with Western neighbors. In the eighth century the Tibetan Empire was the most feared political power in Asia. For a short period in 755, Tibetans even captured Chang'an, then the capital of China, chasing the Chinese emperor and his court from the city. Internal disputes eventually divided the Tibetan Empire, and the court's authority gave way to local leaders. However, there are lasting legacies of this imperial period. One is language. In modern China there are three dialect groups, all closely related to one another and descended from the language of the empire's armies. The first is Central Tibetan, spoken around Lhasa, in an area now called the Tibetan Autonomous Region (TAR). The second is Khams, spoken east of the TAR in Sichuan, Yunnan, and in some parts of Qinghai. The third dialect group is Amdo, spoken north of the TAR, in Qinghai, Sichuan, and Gansu provinces. Tibetan languages are also spoken in Nepal, Bhutan, and India. All of these linguistic varieties use the same written language, which is based on an alphabet invented in Tibet during the reign of Srong bstan Sgam po (627-650).

Another lasting legacy of imperial Tibet is Buddhism. The first Tibetan emperors invited Buddhist monks from India and China to teach the religion to courtiers and aristocrats. The emperors also sent learned men to India and China to gather Buddhist scriptures and translate them into Tibetan. The teachings of Buddhism took firm root, quickly permeating Tibetan society. Buddhism came to flourish in Tibet as it had nowhere else. One difference in the Buddhism of Tibet is the importance of the lama, or teacher, with whose assistance the disciple will reach spiritual enlightenment. Therefore, Tibetan Buddhism is sometimes referred to as Lamaism.

Monasteries play a key role in Tibetan society. As centers of religion, they not only minister to the spiritual needs of their lay communities but also preserve and propagate religious and scholarly traditions. In the case of Tibet, with a written history of over thirteen thousand years and thousands of religious texts, the scholarly tradition is of great significance.

In recent times Tibet's people and their culture have gained increasing attention as they wrestle with the problem of finding a political space in the rapidly changing modern world. There is concern over whether the nearly four million Tibetans living in China today will be able to hold onto their heritage and allow it to proliferate in the future.

The Manchus

The Manchus offer a cautionary example of the importance of language as a means of preserving a people's heritage. While around 4.2 million Manchus live in China today, it's estimated that only around 50 individuals still speak the language. The vast majority speak and write Chinese. With the near extinction of the Manchu language, a great deal of culture has been lost.

The Manchus have a proud history. In 1644 they overran the Ming dynasty, which had ruled China for nearly three hundred years. Manchu armies then gained control of present-day Mongolia, Xinjiang, and Tibet. The Manchus established a dynasty, called the Qing, which ruled much like a Chinese dynasty, with an extensive military and civilian bureaucracy. However, their empire included lands that no Chinese dynasty had ever controlled. By the eighteenth century, the Qing dynasty was the largest, richest, and most powerful empire in Asia and, possibly, the world.

From the beginning there were signs that the relatively small group of Manchus who were now rulers of China would be greatly changed by the experience of governing such a vast land. Originally, they looked to shamans-individuals who had a special relationship with the natural world-for religious guidance. Through trances, shamans communed with spirits who provided them with powers to heal the sick, rid an area of evil spirits, or see the future. Over time this practice largely gave way to Buddhism, Daoism, and the other religious traditions. Similarly, Manchu language gradually lost its place. At the beginning of the Qing dynasty, Manchu was used for all written documents at court. The writing system was modified from the Mongolian alphabet to fit the needs of the Manchu language. Many of the earliest scribes for the Manchu rulers were, in fact, Mongolians hired for their ability to write.

Over time it became court policy that all documents should be written in both Manchu and Chinese. Eventually fewer Manchu learned to write their own language. The emperor Qianlong, who ruled from 1736 to 1796, repeatedly ordered his courtiers to learn Manchu, suggesting that many were using Chinese exclusively. By the dynasty's end, in 1911, even the emperor could not read or write the Manchu language and probably did not speak it either.

The Naxi

There are fewer than 300,000 Naxi people, most living in Yunnan province in China's southwest. Unlike the Mongols, Tibetans, and Manchus, the Naxi were never a political force of international importance. From the eleventh to thirteenth centuries, they were a regionally dominant people. However, when the Mongol armies arrived in 1253, the Naxi were quick to submit to their authority. From that time onward, they ruled southwest China on behalf of whatever imperial dynasty was in power in Beijing, from the Yuan dynasty, through the Ming and Qing dynasties.

Today the Naxi mostly occupy high mountain valleys and the foothills to the Himalayan plateau. Although it is a tropical region, the altitude makes the seasons generally mild. Most Naxi are farmers, growing grain and vegetables in the valleys. Some tend livestock, such as yaks, goats, and sheep, in the mountain grasslands. The most important urban center of Naxi culture is Lijiang, a mid-sized town that is home to businesspeople, doctors, and artists. The Naxi language is distantly related to the Tibetan language. Naxi religious leaders, called Dongba, have long used a unique form of picture writing to record the stories and myths that are central to their religious teachings. This "script" is known as Dongba writing. A system of Roman letters has recently been developed for writing the Naxi language, providing a more efficient method. However, the Dongba script continues to be a powerful symbol of Naxi ethnicity. (See the Annals of Creation in Dongba Script at the beginning of this section.)

 

Author: Keith Dede.

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From Assimilation to Autonomy: Realizing Ethnic Minority Rights in China's National Autonomous Regions | Chinese Journal of International Law | Oxford Academic

From Assimilation to Autonomy: Realizing Ethnic Minority Rights in China's National Autonomous Regions | Chinese Journal of International Law | Oxford Academic

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Volume 13

Issue 1

March 2014

Article Contents

Abstract

I. Introduction

II. The geographic and historical legacy

III. The Chinese Communist Party and the national minorities to the founding of the PRC in 1949

IV. Policies toward national minorities in the PRC: 1949–1978

V. Revival of ethnic awareness and return to pluralism: reality and policy in the Reform Era (1978 to present)

VI. Placing China's minority rights in international law perspectives: the way forward

VII. Conclusion

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From Assimilation to Autonomy: Realizing Ethnic Minority Rights in China's National Autonomous Regions

Xiaohui Wu

Xiaohui Wu

(email: xiaohui.wu99@gmail.com)

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*Member of the Chinese Society of International Law, Beijing; S.J.D., University of Toronto; formerly Team Leader of the Rule of Law and Democracy Team at the United Nations Development Programme China Office. The paper was completed on 12 February 2014. Unless otherwise stated, the websites referenced were last accessed on the date that the paper was completed.

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Chinese Journal of International Law, Volume 13, Issue 1, March 2014, Pages 55–90, https://doi.org/10.1093/chinesejil/jmu006

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15 April 2014

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Xiaohui Wu, From Assimilation to Autonomy: Realizing Ethnic Minority Rights in China's National Autonomous Regions, Chinese Journal of International Law, Volume 13, Issue 1, March 2014, Pages 55–90, https://doi.org/10.1093/chinesejil/jmu006

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Abstract

This article examines regional autonomy in China's ethnic minority areas and its implications for minority rights in China. It argues that China's regional autonomy regime is in need of improvement in quest for national unity, social harmony and equality among ethnic groups in China. In light of past State–minority relations, as well as changing conditions in China, and by reference to international experience, the article offers suggestions for China to improve and implement minority rights legislation and policies. It argues that, under the existing political system in view of the existing basic framework on minorities, the Chinese State should adopt a new approach which encompasses elements of rule of law, deliberative democracy and international human rights standards. The new approach should guarantee respect for minority identities and seek means of establishing their respective autonomies and realizing their special rights. It should focus as much on the process as on the decisions, on the voices as on the results and on the individuals as on the groups. In this way, China's national regional autonomy would be oriented towards a complete policy of commitment to pluralistic values within the Chinese polity and would be more likely to satisfy the minority aspirations and the State's need for national stability and unity.

I. Introduction

1. The issue of ethnic minority rights in China's national autonomous regions poses great challenges for China in terms of national unity, economic development, social stability and human rights protection. Historically, China is a multi-ethnic country formed through territorial expansion and a fusion of different peoples over the course of history. Its widely dispersed population is characterized by tremendous geographic, linguistic, cultural and religious diversity. The dominant ethnic group in China is known as the Han nationality, which has approximately 12.3 billion people. There are about 114 million people in China who are officially recognized as national minorities.12. Since antiquity, problems involving national minorities have been the source of intense feelings and conflict. They have also weighed constantly as an important issue for China's rulers. In the last three decades, ethnic relations between the Han nationality and minority nationalities have become more problematic as the long record of tension and conflict continues. Ethnic tensions and unrest in China have emerged as a subject of policy debate, academic research and global attention in the last three decades.2 The Janus face of regional autonomy in today's China has often obfuscated our understanding of its historical roots, complex processes and empirically observable outcomes. An examination of China's experience with its ethnic minority regions is much in order if we are to understand the full complexity and dynamics of ethnic minority rights in China. The purpose of this article is to examine regional autonomy in China's ethnic minority areas and its implications for minority rights in China. It will focus on the indispensable role of regional autonomy in protecting and realizing minority rights in China, on the assumption that China's regional autonomy regime is in need of a thorough inquiry in quest of national unity, social harmony and full equality among ethnic groups in China.3. This article will proceed as follows. Section II sets the stage by looking back at the geographic and historical background of China's ethnic majority–minority relations, as it is helpful to understand national/regional conditions and historical antecedents before laying the groundwork for an inquiry of minority rights in China. Section III conducts an investigation of the minority policy history of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP, or “the Party”) in terms of its ideological, historical and political sources, from the early days of the CCP in the 1920s to the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949. Section IV details the interplay between the Party's policy on national regional autonomy and State laws during the period of 1949 and 1978. Section V explains the remarkable revival of ethnic awareness and tension in the reform era and the return to pluralism on the part of the CCP and the Chinese government. It also examines the attempt of the Chinese leadership to establish a comprehensive legal system that warrants equal rights for all nationalities and regional autonomy for national minorities. In Section VI, on the basis of the result of comparative law studies, this article will discuss how international human rights law and jurisprudence may help in the improvement and creation of a better implementation system for national regional autonomy in China. Section VII concludes the article. The article does not purport to be in any way exhaustive, on the understanding that the exploration for any solution to existing problems, which are of a complex nature and which affect almost all spheres of the Chinese society, is a task for several branches of social sciences, with an essential yet by no means exclusive role reserved for law. Hence, the article will focus only on issues of importance to law and ethnic minority rights. II. The geographic and historical legacy

4. There are, in all, 56 officially recognized ethic groups or “minzu” (nationalities) incorporated into the territory of the PRC.3 According to the 2011 National Population Census, the largest ethnic group, the Han nationality, constitutes about 91.51 per cent of the Chinese population. Some 8.49 per cent of the population is officially identified as “minority nationalities”. There is a great variation in the size of these minority groups. No one is especially large. The most populous group is the Zhuang nationality, with more than 17 million people. The least populous, the Lhoba nationality, numbered only 2965 in the 2000 census. More famous perhaps are the Tibetans (5.4 million), Mongols (5.8 million) and Uighurs (8.4 million).4 National minorities are found in all parts of the country. The number of China's national minorities is small relative to its total population, but the areas they have traditionally inhabited account for almost 60 per cent of the territory of the country, mainly the border and remote areas which are of strategic importance and are extremely rich in natural resources.55. The languages spoken by China's national minorities range widely, belonging to four of the world's largest language families: Sino-Tibetan, Turkic-Altaic, Austro-Asiatic and Indo-European.6 Some minorities such as the Tibetans, Mongols and Koreans have a very rich literature, while others lack written scripts. Also in terms of culture and religion, features of the Zhuangs, Manchus and Koreans are in many ways similar to features of the Han socio-cultural organization. At the other end of the spectrum there are minorities such as the Tibetans, Uygurs, Kazakhs who have distinct, strong cultures, fine literature and arts and pervasive religions with clergies that used to exert powerful social and political influence. The religions with the most numerous adherents are Islam and Buddhism. There are also Catholics and Protestants, especially in the border areas of Southwest China. Many national minorities have maintained their own “tribal religions”.7 Considerable differences also exist among national minorities with respect to political systems, social relations and stages of economic development. Some national minorities, such as the Mongols, Manchus or Tibetans, once established States quite independent of the Chinese empire. Some of the minorities retained the slave or serf systems and the hunter-gatherer economy into the 1950s. Some even had no class structures formed when the PRC was established in 1949.86. Historically, people living within the regions of what we know today as China belonged to numerous ethnic groups.9 Relations between the majority, the Han, and other minority groups have rarely been easy.10 Peoples other than the Han were considered to be culturally and technologically inferior to the Han and were generally referred to as “the barbarians”.11 In 221 B.C., the Kingdom of Qin conquered all Han Chinese feudal States and expanded to incorporate many non-Han areas within its borders. Non-Han peoples were either expelled to ever more marginal lands or assimilated into the conquering Han Chinese. In the succeeding Han Dynasty, the Chinese court adopted a policy of reliance upon the attractions of Chinese culture and civilization. Chiefs of the neighbouring “barbarian” tribes were enticed or pressured to pay regular tributes as a token of their submission to the Chinese emperor. They were often rewarded for subjugation with imperial posts and titles as well as precious gifts such as gold, silks, tea and china. In many cases, the rewards given by the Han emperor were far in excess of the tributes that the barbarians had paid.12 Even though the tributary system was sometimes expensive to the Chinese court, politically and culturally it did allow many of the neighbouring barbarians to fit into the Chinese imperial order by allowing them to exercise autonomous rule under varying degrees of Chinese imperial supervision and control.13 Of course, the policy of appeasement and diplomacy was always backed by military force. Military campaigns were frequently taken against the barbarians beyond the range of the Chinese emperor's mandate to secure the border regions or expand the territory. By means of the “carrot and stick” policy, the Chinese empire managed to take control of enormous territories previously inhabited by the barbarians over the long course of history.7. However, the more effective force behind Chinese imperial expansion was the influence of Chinese cultural and material civilization rather than military conquest or coercion. The traditional Chinese worldview saw China as the centre of the world and the hub of civilization. As far as the Chinese were concerned, it was a favour on their part to bestow the blessings of their own cultural and material civilization onto the “uncivilized barbarians”. As Thierry describes, the Han Chinese used to think that: The basis of the difference between the Hans and the Barbarians was not originally of an ethnic nature, but rested on a relationship to Civilization, since for the Chinese there is Civilization … And the relevant criterion to establish this difference is sedentarization; the civilized one is the one who constructs towns and devotes himself to agriculture. … The nature of Barbarians is to wander like animals in zones unsuited to sedentary culture such as steppes and mountains …14Han-Chinese were notoriously contemptuous of the non-Chinese peoples who did not share their language, values and moral principles, methods of agriculture, lifestyles or other cultural attributes.15 They considered the barbarians to be uncivilized and without culture, yet assimilated them culturally and integrated them politically into the Han Chinese commonwealth. Confucian cultural consciousness tended to deny the very existence of minority cultures. In Confucianism, there was no concept of Chinese culture and other cultures, only Chinese culture or no culture at all.16 Because the criterion that differentiated the Han Chinese and the barbarians was mainly of a cultural nature, barbarians could become members of the Chinese commonwealth by adopting the Han Chinese culture and moral principles. Time and again in Chinese history “barbarians” were made “Chinese” and even given high posts in the government.8. Confucianism called for a policy of propagating Chinese culture and Confucian moral teachings to win over the barbarians. Believing in the universality of Chinese culture and kingship, Master Confucius favoured a benevolent attitude towards the barbarians. He argued that China would benefit if the barbarians would “come and be transformed” by the superior Chinese culture. He had remarked in the Analects that “if remoter people are not submissive, all the influences of civil culture and virtue are to be cultivated to attract them to be so; and when they have been so attracted, they must be made contented and tranquil”.17 However, this idealistic theory of cultural persuasion was seldom followed in practice. More often than not, the dominant concern of China's imperial politics was not to integrate culturally the peoples on the periphery of the Chinese empire, but rather to control them. The long tradition of Chinese imperial statecraft developed the use of both persuasion and coercion as inter-dependent strategies to maintain central control over the barbarians, with sufficient native support to ensure the need for minimal imperial government personnel and resources.18 Minority peoples' political leaders were allowed to exercise autonomous rule because that allowed the Chinese empire to control the minority regions more effectively. Dreyer suggested that the goal of Chinese imperial policy toward ethnic minorities was “a pluralistic form of integration that aimed at little more than control. Abstention from aggression and a vague commitment of loyalty to the emperor and the Confucian values he embodied were sufficient to attain this level of integration. Barbarians' traditional customs, languages, and governing systems were not interfered with so long as they did not pose a threat to the Chinese state”.199. The downfall of the Qing dynasty in 1911 marked the beginning of a post-imperial era for China. Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the founder of the Republic of China (ROC), recognized the existence of four distinct minority groups in China, i.e., the Manchus, Mongolians, Tibetans and Huis (a term that included Muslims in China) and the equality of all ethnic groups.20 However, he was also of the opinion that because of the absolute prominence of the Han and the insignificant numbers of minorities, the Chinese State was essentially composed of one nationality.21His ultimate goal was assimilationist, to “facilitate the dying out of all names of individual peoples inhabiting China,” and to unify and fuse all the peoples into “a single cultural and political whole”.22 A few years later, under the influence of the Soviet Union and Comintern, Dr. Sun added the concepts of self-determination and autonomy for minorities to his policy platform. But these concepts were never properly implemented by Dr. Sun or his Nationalist followers.23 Dr. Sun's successor, Chiang Kai-shek, adopted an even more explicitly assimilationist policy, claiming the common ancestry of all inhabitants of China. Chiang's assertion was: “That there are five peoples designated in China is not due to differences of race or blood but to religion and geographical environment. In short, the differentiation among China's five peoples is due to regional and religious factors, and not to race or blood.”24 The assimilationist policy of Chiang's Nationalist government had few practical consequences for ethnic minorities themselves, because many of the minority regions were under the control of semi-independent warlords or native ruling elites throughout the Nationalist period. Preoccupied with fighting sundry warlords, Japanese aggression and the Communists, the Nationalist government paid little attention to minority areas and, in any event, had limited resources to implement its minority policies.2510. To sum up, the traditional relations of the Han Chinese with non-Han minority peoples generally were coloured by Chinese imperial domination and the assumption of Chinese cultural superiority. On the part of the Chinese State, there were two parallel tendencies, one toward assimilation and the other toward pluralism, as the most effective means for dealing with ethnic minorities. The two tendencies were often complementary—parts of a single policy to maintain Chinese imperial order and to secure a superior–inferior relation between the dominant Han majority and the non-Han minorities. Both had important implications for later PRC policy toward national minorities. III. The Chinese Communist Party and the national minorities to the founding of the PRC in 1949

11. The Chinese Communist Party was founded in 1921. From early on, the nationality doctrine of the CCP has closely followed the teachings of Karl Marx and V.I. Lenin and the theory and practice of the Soviet Union on the management of nationality problems.26 In 1922, the Manifesto of the Second CCP Congress recognized the equality of the nationalities.27 The manifesto proposed the establishment of a Chinese federal republic where Mongolia, Tibet and Eastern Turkestan (Xinjiang) were to be autonomous States, united with China proper on the basis of their free will.28 When the short-lived Chinese Soviet Republic was established in the rural areas controlled by the CCP in 1931, the CCP adopted a Draft Constitution and a resolution on the nationality question in China, both explicitly recognizing the right to self-determination of national minorities.29 Closely modelled on the 1924 Constitution of the Soviet Union, Article 14 of the Draft Constitution provided that: All Mongolians, Tibetans, Miao, Yao, Koreans and others living on the territory of China shall enjoy the full right to self-determination, i.e., they may either join the Union of Chinese Soviets or secede from it and form their own state as they may prefer. The Soviet regime of China will do its utmost to assist the national minorities in liberating themselves from the yoke of imperialists, the Nationalist militarists, tusi [native officials], the princes, lams and others, and in achieving complete freedom and autonomy. The Soviet regime must encourage the development of the national cultures and the national languages of these peoples.30The question which puzzled many was how the Communists, with a strong sense of Chinese nationalism and national unity and deep roots in centuries-long Chinese imperial tradition, could promise with such apparent ease the right of ethnic minorities to self-determination, secession and independence. According to Dreyer, the CCP nationality policy during the pre-1935 period may have been formulated to garner the support of national minorities and alleviate their traditional fears of Han control and assimilation.31 Another important factor may have been the heavy influence of the Comintern whose agents dominated the CCP policy-making during the pre-1935 period. This might explain why the Leninist nationality policy, including supporting the right of national minorities to secession and independence, was unquestioningly adopted by the CCP with little regard to the tradition and realities of the Chinese State.12. This idealistic policy changed with the rise to power of Mao Zedong in 1935.32 Mao was a strongly nationalistically minded politician and independent of the guidance of the Comintern. He was critical of the nationality policy prior to his coming to power and reversed the Party's stand on the right of national minorities to secession and independence. His vision of the Chinese State was that of a unified State with a population composed of many nationalities which were equal and had the right to self-government. National minorities should not be forced to be assimilated into the Han Chinese but were to be encouraged to preserve and develop their own cultures, languages and customs.3313. Mao's ideas were later incorporated into official CCP policy on national minorities and put into practice in the CCP-controlled areas. From 1936 to 1949, several Huis (Chinese Muslim) and Mongol national autonomous governments were established by the CCP. The largest was the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region set up in 1947, two years before the establishment of the PRC, in an attempt to prevent Inner Mongolia from separating from China and uniting with the independent, Soviet-backed Mongolian People's Republic (Outer Mongolia).3414. To sum up, the CCP minority policy prior to the coming into being of the PRC included the equality of nationalities, the right to self-government within a unified Chinese State, a united front with co-operative native ruling elite against the Nationalist government and “foreign imperialist encroachments” in the border areas and respect for minority cultures, customs and languages. IV. Policies toward national minorities in the PRC: 1949–1978

15. After the PRC was founded in 1949, the CCP considered nationality policy to be of utmost importance and exerted great effort to establish a set of policies and measures to deal with its nationality problems. The reasons are not difficult to find. First and foremost, the CCP nationality policy is dominated here by nationalistic concerns and a perceived need to control remote border regions that might otherwise fall under the influence of hostile foreign or domestic forces. The ethnic minorities inhabit 50–60 per cent of China's territory, principally the strategic national border areas, which are as important for their rich deposits of raw materials as they are for defense. Also, the policy toward minorities is informed by an ideologically motivated desire to make of China “one big co-operative family”—that is, to obtain the collaboration of all the peoples living in China in building a new socialist State. In the early 1950s, the CCP and the Chinese government followed a policy based on the notion that the PRC was a “unitary multinational country”.35 This notion involved two principles balanced against each other: that minority regions were integral parts of China, any possibility of secession or independence being absolutely ruled out under any circumstances; and national minorities should be treated equally and were to enjoy national regional autonomy in areas where they were concentrated. A system of national regional autonomy was formally introduced into the Common Program of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference—the PRC's provisional constitution—to allow national minorities a limited degree of autonomy.36 It was also laid down in Article 3 of the 1954 Constitution of the PRC, which provided that: The People's Republic of China is a unitary multinational state. All the nationalities are equal. Discrimination against or oppression of any nationality, and acts which undermine the unity of the nationalities, are prohibited.All the nationalities have the freedom to use and develop their own spoken and written languages, and to preserve or reform their own customs and ways.Regional autonomy applies in areas where a minority nationality lives in a compact community. All the national autonomous areas are inseparable parts of the People's Republic of China.3716. The PRC government claimed the national regional autonomy system to be in line with the actual situation in China and in accordance with Marxist-Leninist doctrines on nationality relations. It argued that China had historically been a unified State with centralized power.38 Over the course of history, nationalities grew closer because of regular cultural interchange and economic co-operation, and the unification of nationalities was a natural course. The areas populated by minority nationalities remained integral parts of China for hundreds of years. There was no need for them to separate from their great “motherland”. Moreover, because the Han Chinese were more economically and culturally advanced, ran the argument, it was in the fundamental interest of national minorities to stay in the PRC so that they could flourish with the assistance of the Han.3917. The national regional autonomy system was also justified on the ground of geographic distribution of the nationality population. China's national minority areas are often co-inhabited by two or more nationalities. None of China's minorities, it was claimed, was in exclusive possession of contiguous territories free of other minorities or Han Chinese. For example, Xinjiang is regarded as the place where Uygurs are concentrated, and yet there are thirteen other nationalities there.40 The CCP claimed that this type of situation made an ethnically oriented federal system in China unworkable and impractical. Rather, the national regional autonomy system was deemed the most appropriate for China's minorities to enjoy the right to national autonomy, because only under this system could all nationalities—those with large populations as well as those with small compact ones, those which live in big compact communities as well as those which live in small ones—set up their autonomous governments commensurate with their size.41 Under the 1954 Constitution, autonomous governments might be established at the autonomous region (equivalent to a province), autonomous prefecture, autonomous county and autonomous township levels. With the level of autonomy being dependent on the population and the size of a given region, the national regional autonomy system was said to be the “only possibility” for all nationalities to exercise autonomy in their scattered areas of concentration.42 For instance, while the majority of the population in Jinlin Province were Han, there was a large Korean community concentrated in the Yanbian area, which made up 74 per cent of the total population in 1952. Since the province and the national autonomous region were of equal administrative status under the PRC constitutions, Jinlin Province was not permitted to have a national autonomous region established within its boundaries. Instead, a Korean national autonomous prefecture (zi-zhi-zhou) was set up in 1952 as a sub-provincial administrative unit of Jinlin Province to let the Koreans in Yanbian practise self-government.43 Although the administrative status of the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture was one level below the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region, the substance of autonomous rights enjoyed by the Koreans in Yanbian was essentially no different from that of the Mongols in Inner Mongolia. Because the national regional autonomy system allowed autonomous entities to be organized at different administrative levels rather than at a single level (as would be the case under the standard federal system), the CCP claimed to have found a flexible and practical system of autonomous entities for all national minorities to enjoy special rights and benefits. The late premier of the PRC, Zhou Enlai, called the policy of national regional autonomy the nucleus of CCP minority policy, claiming that the system was “a correct combination of national autonomy and regional autonomy, a correct combination of economic and political factors; this not only makes it possible for a nationality living in a compact community to enjoy the right to autonomy, but also enables nationalities which live together to enjoy the right of autonomy … Such a system is a creation hitherto unknown in history”44 (emphasis added).18. During the period from 1949 to 1957, the minority policy of the Chinese government can best be described as one of gradualism and pluralism.45 The PRC government held a relatively tolerant and benign attitude toward minorities, and made considerable concessions and exemptions to accommodate local conditions. Traditionalist Han attitudes toward minorities, labelled “Great Hanism”, were condemned by the Party propaganda. Han officials were required to respect local customs, cultures and religious traditions. Upper class secular and religious minority leaders were invited to join the newly established national autonomous bodies and take up honorific positions. The Chinese government introduced a plan called “nationalization of the administrative bodies of regional autonomy”, which was designed to ensure a number of minority representatives on government bodies proportional to their percentage of the population in the autonomous regions. Enormous efforts were made to train and promote skilled, professional minority officials.46 Open class struggle and mass political campaigns, so prevalent in other parts of the country at that time, were purposefully avoided to dispel minorities' fears of Han repression. The PRC government engaged in social engineering on a large scale, starting various types of relief work, introducing new technology, tackling illiteracy and disease and constructing energy, communication and transportation projects in minority areas. It is fair to say that nationalities questions were generally handled with sensitivity in the early 1950s. As a result, relations between the Han Chinese and minorities improved.19. The policy of gradualism and pluralism came abruptly to an end in 1957 when the political winds in Beijing shifted to radical leftism.47 Accordingly, the Party policy with respect to national minorities saw a rather drastic reversion towards assimilation of minorities. A series of radical leftist programs were brought into minorities areas to accelerate forced socialist transformation of minority societies. When Mao hastily launched the large-scale collectivization program in 1958, the rural areas inhabited by the Uygurs, Koreans, Mongols and Miaos were included, along with the Han areas. The Chinese government started encouraging minorities to abandon their old customs and traditions, learn the written and spoken Chinese language and wear Mao-style suits. Many of those who asserted their ethnic identity were purged in the Anti-Rightists Movement for the sin of “local nationalism”.48 During the Cultural Revolution (1967–1976), minorities experienced the most assimilative period in the history of the PRC. Although the policy of national autonomy and equality remained on the book, they were discarded in reality. Harsh class struggle, repeated political campaigns and mass social mobilization were pursued on daily basis to achieve complete socialist transformation.49 The ruthless assimilative policy had dramatic effects on national minorities as well as their relations with the Chinese government and the Han Chinese. With little surprise, the policy of forced assimilation gave rise to ethnic conflicts, tensions and violence.50 V. Revival of ethnic awareness and return to pluralism: reality and policy in the Reform Era (1978 to present)

20. After Deng Xiaoping came to power in the late 1970s, virtually every former Party policy connected with radical leftism and the Cultural Revolution was reassessed. The extreme assimilationist policies that the radical leftists tried to implement in the Cultural Revolution were soon discontinued, while the Party formally admitted serious mistakes made in the past handling of minorities. In the early 1980s, the priority of the Party's nationality policy was modified to centre on economic development and effective implementation of the national regional autonomy system.51 As Dreyer has observed, the main change in policy toward minorities might be motivated by several reasons. Firstly, the post-Mao leadership had a strong interest in developing the minority areas and in utilizing their rich resources to fuel the modernization drive. The minority areas are among the poorest and least-developed regions in China. Minorities needed a greater say in matters concerning the development of local economy and the exploitation of natural resources that were to be used to benefit the local population.52 Secondly, a special treatment of the minorities would help convince Taiwan to accept a similar status of autonomy within the PRC.53 Thirdly, China's nationality policy was closely intertwined with its foreign policy. Many minority nationalities such as the Koreans, Mongols, Kazakhs, Uygurs, Miaos and Zhuangs have relatives outside China's borders. A favourable treatment of minorities would certainly help China maintain a friendly relationship with those relevant neighbouring countries and strengthen China's internal stability and defense capacity.5421. The loosening of political and economic restrictions and the return to pluralistic policies led to a revival of nationalist consciousness in many parts of the minority areas. Contrary to the Chinese government's expectations that economic and social liberalization and improvement in living standards would alleviate minorities' dissatisfaction with the Chinese rule, in the late 1970s minorities began vehemently to assert their national identity and to demand that their rights to national autonomy be formally respected.55 Minorities' discontent for the first time received public attention through the mass media at the third session of the National People's Congress in 1980 when minority deputies openly voiced sharp criticisms, claims and suggestions concerning the CCP's nationality policy.56 They demanded an effective implementation and expansion of national autonomy in all dimensions. Following this event, there was an extensive discussion about the real meaning of the term “national autonomy” in Chinese governmental and academic circles as well as in minority regions. While substantial disagreements existed as to what national autonomy was all about and how far it could or should go in self-administration and policy-making, consent was reached on one point—that further legislation was needed to enhance legal guarantees of, and the rights to, self-government.5722. The 1982 Constitution devotes a great amount of space to national minority issues. It reaffirms the equality of all nationalities, protects the lawful rights and interests of all national minorities, and prohibits the discrimination against and oppression of any nationality.58 It provides detailed provisions for national autonomy similar to those in the 1954 Constitution but gives national minorities more rights than they ever had before. Under the 1982 Constitution, the rights of national minorities to autonomy have mainly three components: Political Autonomy: The Constitution guarantees certain autonomous political rights for national minorities. It stipulates that the chairmanship and vice-chairmanships of the standing committee to the people's congress of an autonomous unit shall include a citizen or citizens of the nationality or nationalities exercising regional autonomy in the area concerned; the administrative head of an autonomous area shall be a member of the nationality, or of one of the nationalities, exercising regional autonomy.59 The autonomous authorities exercise the same powers as local organs of the State; at the same time, they exercise the right of autonomy within the limits of their authority as prescribed by the Constitution, the law of national regional autonomy and other laws.60 More significantly, the people's congresses of national autonomous areas are empowered to enact autonomy regulations and specific regulations in light of the political, economic and cultural characteristics of the nationality or nationalities who practice autonomy.61 These autonomous regulations become effective only after being approved by the standing committee of the higher-level people's congress.Economic Autonomy: Autonomous organs are granted broad authority to administer local economy and finances. They have the power to run the local economy “under the guidance of state plans” and to manage and use all locally generated revenues on their own.62 The State is to give “due consideration” to local circumstances when exploiting natural resources in autonomous areas. Moreover, the State is obliged to give financial, material and technical assistance to the minority nationalities to accelerate their economic development.63Language, Educational and Cultural Rights: National minorities have the right to use and develop their own languages and freedom to preserve their own customs. For example, in national autonomous areas, court hearings should be conducted in the language(s) in common use in the locality; indictments, judgments, notices and other documents should be written in the relevant nationality language(s). Translation should be provided for any participants who do not know the relevant language in court hearings.64Autonomous authorities are independently to administer educational, scientific, cultural and public health affairs in the locality, protect the cultural heritage of the national minorities and work towards the development and prosperity of their cultures. In performing their functions, autonomous authorities should use the spoken and written language or languages in common use in the locality.6523. Based on the relevant articles of the 1982 Constitution, a new Law on National Regional Autonomy was passed by the National People's Congress in 1984 (amended in 2001) to provide further legal guarantees for autonomous rights. The law strengthens and, in some aspects, expands previously existing autonomous rights which are formulated in very general terms in the 1982 Constitution. For instance, the Constitution explicitly provides that autonomous authorities have the right not only to draw up local legislation with respect to regional autonomy and other regulations appropriate to the political, economic and cultural characteristics of the locality, but also to alter or cease to implement any laws or regulations issued by the central authorities if these laws and regulations do not suit the local conditions.66 Over half of the autonomous units have passed autonomy laws and special statuary provisions dealing with a wide range of issues, such as management of natural resources, economic development, environmental protection, land utilization, foreign trade and investment, marriage and family law and so on.67 The law also grants broader rights to autonomous authorities to manage the local economy, allowing autonomous governments to adopt special policies and flexible measures in accordance with local economic conditions and to promulgate its own economic policies and plans in light of the local economic conditions. As for relations between the autonomous unit and the State, the State is committed to providing financial and other support and assistance.6824. The 1982 Constitution and the Law on National Regional Autonomy of 1984 have granted national minorities the most pluralistic rights in comparison with any of the previous legislation. Questions arise as to how genuine national regional autonomy is in the reform era. To answer the question, it is necessary to examine the achievements and the limitations, the legal form and the actual practice, of the national regional autonomy system. The present Chinese government and the CCP tend to point to the achievements of the revitalized national regional autonomy system. For example, many new autonomous units were set up in the 1980s and 1990s. By 1992, there were five autonomous regions, thirty autonomous prefectures, 124 autonomous counties and 1,200 autonomous townships; their combined area covered 64.5 per cent of the PRC's total territory.69 National minorities were exempted from the “one child” policy, which was strictly implemented among the Han Chinese. Between 1982 and 1990 censuses, while the Han population grew by a total of 10 per cent, the minority increased by 35 per cent overall. One of the most striking cases was that of Manchus, the ethnic group that ruled the Chinese empire from 1644 to 1911 and was generally regarded to have gradually assimilated into the Han majority since the fall of Qing dynasty. Their population increased by 128 per cent during the 1982–1990 period, from 4.3 million to 9.8 million.70 In the 1982 and 1990 national censuses, as many as 14 million people who had previously identified themselves as Han came out and registered as minority nationalities.71 It became even more popular among certain groups of people seeking to be officially recognized as national minorities, after the Chinese government initiated several affirmative action programs in the 1980s. Under these programs, national minorities were granted such privileges as exemption from the “one-child” policy, tax reduction, preference for admission to institutions of higher education and more religious and cultural freedom from government interference.72 There has been increased representation of national minorities in the National People's Congress, the government and the CCP. According to official data, “[i]n all NPCs, the proportions of deputies of ethnic minorities among the total number of deputies have been higher than the proportions of their populations in the nation's total population in the corresponding periods. Of the 161 members of the 11th NPC Standing Committee held in March 2009, 25 were from ethnic minorities, accounting for 15.53 percent of the total.”73 Special efforts have been made to train new Party cadres and government officials of minority background. As a result, cadres of minority background account for a fair proportion of cadres in the central and local State organs, including administrative, judicial and procuratorial organs.7425. After three decades of policy vacillation between pluralism and forced assimilationism, the present Chinese government claims to have established a comprehensive legal system that affords equal rights for all nationalities and regional autonomy for national minorities. However, despite the liberalization of previously very repressive policies, ethnic issues have remained a source of dissatisfaction, conflict and even violence in recent years, mainly due to uneven implementation of the laws and central policies on national regional autonomy.7526. To sum up, the PRC nationality policy from the 1980s has undoubtedly been an improvement over the policies of the previous periods. The new policy represents a return to a philosophy of pluralism, which acknowledges the distinctiveness of national minorities and shows a higher degree of tolerance for political, social and cultural diversity. The PRC Constitution guarantees that national minorities have the right to self-government and enjoy certain privileges over the Han majority. However, due to uneven implementation of national laws and central policies, genuine national autonomy has yet to be fully achieved in reality. VI. Placing China's minority rights in international law perspectives: the way forward

27. Without a doubt, ethnic minority rights issues in China have begun to influence domestic decision-making and legislation and China's international image. Many contemporary studies and reports focus on the adverse disparities experienced by ethnic minorities, and have empirically proven that minorities disproportionately suffer adverse effects of China's rapid socio-economic transition, rich–poor polarization and political impasse. More efforts are needed to compare China's minority rights to that of international human rights law. The purpose of this section is to place China's minority rights regime in international law perspectives so as to make a comparison of the legal status of ethnic minorities in China against universal human rights standards and to propose ways and means suitable for facilitating and developing equal protection of minority rights in China. VI.A. Minority rights and international law

28. Internationally speaking, demands by minority groups to preserve their cultural, religious and ethnic differences emerged with the creation of nation States after the Peace of Westphalia in 1648.76 The first truly international system for the protection of minority rights began with the League of Nations through the adoption of a series of treaties addressing specific minority problems in Eastern and Central Europe and containing elements of anti-discriminatory, developmental and even affirmative group rights.77 However, the League's minorities system ultimately failed.29. The replacement of the League of Nations with the United Nations in 1945 ushered in a new, universal system of human rights, which gradually developed a number of norms, procedures and mechanisms concerned with minorities. The UN Charter makes the protection of human rights a fundamental purpose of the United Nations and obligates member States to promote universal respect for human rights and not to discriminate on the basis of race, sex, language or religion in implementing human rights obligations.78 Furthermore, Article 55 of the UN Charter notes that peaceful and friendly relations among nations should be based upon respect of the principle of equal rights and self-determination; while Article 56 provides that member States shall pledge themselves “to take joint and separate action in co-operation with the [United Nations] Organization” for the achievement of universal respect for and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction based on race, sex, language or religion.79 Based on this broad mandate, the principles underlying this approach found their concrete expression in the text of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 1948, on which much of the formative content of international human rights law draws.80 Arguably, the UDHR can be regarded as an authoritative interpretation of the UN Charter's human rights principles and qualify as customary international law which binds all States in the international community.81 It is important to note, however, that the UDHR was adopted upon the notion that a great deal of the horror of World War II was premised on viewing people as members of this or that group rather than as individuals. Major UN powers attempted to forge a new way of human rights protection from the ashes of the previous regime, that is, that the rights of all people are best assured when the rights of each person are effectively protected.82 As a result, the UDHR does not deal directly with the problem of minorities generally, much less with specific issues raised by minority groups such as religion, language or culture. Until the end of the Cold War, the UN and other international organs were generally more interested in protecting individual rights than in developing a specific regime for the protection of minorities.30. The world witnessed a rapid expansion of international human rights law in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966 (ICCPR) codified classical human rights for the protection of individual fundamental rights and freedoms.83 The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of 1966 (ICESCR) provides for economic, social and cultural rights aimed at improving the economic, social and cultural conditions of the individual.84 These two covenants are known as the International Bill of Rights and were drafted to transform the principles of basic human rights set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights into binding rules of law. Naturally, they are considered as the foundational instruments of international human rights law and provide much of the formative content of other human rights conventions. Article 27 of the ICCPR provides the most comprehensive legal provision regarding minority rights under international human rights law, which reads: In those States in which ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities exist, persons belonging to such minorities shall not be denied the right, in community with the other members of their group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practice their own religion, or to use their own language.85This clause is historical. Firstly, it imposes specific obligations on the State parties. States parties are obliged to protect members of minorities against violations of their rights by public and private parties, to fulfil non-discrimination provisions and, most importantly, to take positive action to ensure the survival and continued development of the cultural, religious and social identity of minorities in community with the other members of their group. Secondly, Article 27 entails a right to recognition, survival and continued development of the cultural, religious and social identity of minorities, non-discrimination, and their participation in governance of State affairs.86 Thirdly, Article 27 can provide a powerful tool to protect cultural, linguistic and religious diversity of minorities since it embodies justiciable rights, thus enabling States parties to be scrutinized over their compliance with their obligations before judicial or quasi-judicial bodies. Noteworthy here is the fact that the rights are granted to individuals belonging to ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities, and do not explicitly attach to the groups themselves, which signifies a reluctance to recognize the minority groups in their collective identity.31. In 1992, the United Nations General Assembly adopted a Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities.87 The Declaration aims to further concretize the provisions of Article 27 of the ICCPR and clearly contemplates policies of recognition and accommodation as opposed to assimilation. This is clearly spelled out in Article 1 of the Declaration which provides that: 1. States shall protect the existence and the national or ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic identity of minorities within their respective territories and shall encourage conditions for the promotion of that identity.2. States shall adopt appropriate legislative and other measures to achieve those ends.88Although it is not a legally binding instrument, the Declaration is increasingly recognized as an important point of reference to define and guide the broad international effort to promote minority rights. It is formulated in positive terms to supplement but does not substitute for the general standards in global and regional human rights treaties.32. More recently, the international community has attempted to take minority groups more seriously and advance group rights and rights of peoples, the so-called “third-generation rights”.89 These rights or standards of achievement are intended to enhance the political, economic, social and cultural self-determination and development of peoples. However, the concept of collective human rights has not been universally accepted and remains full of controversy in international human rights law discourse. Some powerful States, such as the USA, the UK, France, Japan and Australia, object to collective rights as conflicting with individual human rights, insisting that “characterizing a right as belonging to a community, or collective, rather than an individual, can be and often is construed to limit the exercise of that right (since only the group can invoke it), and thus may open the door to the denial of the right to the individual”.9033. The international divergence on collective rights vs. individual rights is unlikely to be resolved in the near future. But for the purpose of this article, one can divide the rights of ethnic minorities into two major categories under contemporary international law: rights of equal protection and rights of participation and/or self-governance. The first category relates to minorities' rights of equality and protection from discrimination, as well as rights aiming at the preservation of their culture and ethnic identity. In States where one or more groups constitute ethnic, religious or language communities, they have the right to existence and recognition of their identities, as well as the right to equality and to freedom from political, economic and social discrimination under international law. The second category implies that minorities are to determine their own affairs, participate in decision makings of the State, exercise a certain level of internal autonomy and, in cases of colonialism and foreign oppression, be able to secede from the State and gain independence.9134. Beyond the above-mentioned evolving normative framework, it should be pointed out that a considerable level of discretion is left to the States in deciding when such steps must be taken, and that the vagueness as to who decides which groups are entitled to special protection and upon what criteria undermines the framework's effectiveness. As Rehman rightly observes, “[m]embers of a minority group often feel that in the clash of cultures, religions or languages it is their will and aspirations which are marginalized, and in this respect the individualistic and universalistic tone of the international law of human rights is deficient. International laws which could be related to minorities are not only seen as being attenuated and indirect in nature but there is considerable evidence to suggest that they are largely ineffective in safeguarding whatever rights that are granted to minorities”.92 A sovereign State has the final right to domestic jurisdiction, and can only be regarded as subject to human rights treaties when it has so consented. Thus, a body of international human rights law has been formed to protect minorities from their governments and the dominant society, but often only to the extent that the governments will allow them to be protected. Besides, by virtue of becoming parties to these international agreements, sovereign States may also be bound to ensure and respect minorities' rights as a matter of customary international law. But, identifying which human rights constitute jus cogens norms remains controversial and uncertain, as current international legal arrangements provide few effective means by which international human rights obligations may be interpreted, implemented, and monitored. More importantly, despite significant progress in the identification, definition, and promulgation of international norms with regards to ethnic minorities' rights, international mechanisms for their enforcement remain underdeveloped. International monitoring bodies generally lack enforcement authority and rely substantially on shame as a tool for persuasion. As a result, enforcement of international human rights obligations has been achieved primarily through various domestic incorporations processes by which States incorporate international law into their domestic legal orders.9335. In summary, it has become clear from the preceding analysis that considerable aspects of international law relating to minority rights still need vigorous development, in order to define and promote full protection of minorities' equal rights. VI.B. International standards and China's minority rights: the way forward

36. The preceding analysis outlines existing international standards for treatment of minorities and their deficiencies. It offers a menu to concretize and itemize national human rights legislation and autonomy options based on international models. Through the lens of international standards and practices, the present Section looks more closely at China's minority laws and policies and proposes ways and means suitable for facilitating and developing equal protection of minority rights in China.37. Since 1980, the Chinese government has signed, ratified and participated in several core international human rights conventions, namely the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crimes of Apartheid, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, the International Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Racial Discrimination, the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, the Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees and the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.94 The Chinese government has submitted reports to UN committees responsible for monitoring the implementation of some of these treaties. Significantly, the PRC has signed both the ICCPR on 5 October 1998 and the ICESCR on 27 October 1997. The National People's Congress Standing Committee ratified the ICESCR on 28 February 2001.95 China has yet to ratify the ICCPR.38. Although the PRC joined a number of UN human rights conventions, the Chinese government made reservations to the implementation mechanisms set out in some of these conventions that could possibly influence its national jurisdiction over human rights issues. China does not recognize the competence of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to settle disputes relating to human rights, nor does it allow the individual complaint procedure that is provided for in the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. In the UN human rights mechanism, China had been elected a member of the UN Commission on Human Rights since 1982, and was Vice-Chair in the year of 1989. Chinese delegates have also joined its Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities as well as the Working Group on Indigenous Populations and the Working Group on Communications affiliated with the Sub-Commission.39. Historically speaking, the Chinese government has come a long way in accepting the legitimacy of international human rights standards since the founding of the PRC in 1949. Its membership in the United Nations and its adherence to many of the UN's human rights treaties have compelled it to accept the legitimacy of internationally established norms and to adopt the rhetoric of human rights set forth in the UN Charter and the UDHR. By becoming a State party to key international treaties on human rights, it has to justify its actions in the field of human rights by reference to international standards, and its choice of justifications has had great influence on its freedom of action. The PRC is obliged to report on, and receive criticism of, its treatment of individuals to international committees set up under various human rights treaties to which the PRC is a State party. In the reports submitted to international human rights bodies, the Chinese have generally sought to justify all their actions in the field of human rights and rhetorically denied allegations of human rights violations.96 In its official human rights discourse, the Chinese government has reiterated its commitment to abide by the principles and purposes of the UN Charter and key international human rights treaties relating to respect and protection of human rights for all its 1.34 billion people.97 This is also the case when it comes to specific issues relating to the rights of ethnic minorities.40. Within this international normative context, I now turn to the legal regime of ethnic minority rights in China and discuss existing problems and possible solutions. As noted before, China's constitution and the 1984 Regional Ethnic Autonomy Law guarantee a full range of rights to minorities, including self-government within designated autonomous areas,98 proportional representation in the government, freedom to develop their own languages, religions and cultures, greater control over local economic development than allowed in non-autonomous areas and the power to adapt central directives to local conditions. It is therefore fair to say that China's current legal regime on ethnic minorities' rights is generally in line with international standards.99 It recognizes the importance of both negative (non-discrimination) and positive (special assistance or status) measures for effective protection. From an international perspective, existing Chinese laws on minority rights offer three levels of protection. Firstly, individual members of minorities are accorded with all the core human rights (civil, political, economic, social and cultural) in the same way as the Han majority and all other ethnic groups, without discrimination. For this to happen, non-discrimination measures are clearly in the State constitution, as discussed above.100 Secondly, minorities are allowed to preserve their dignity as members of a particular community based on religion, language or culture. Special measures are introduced in the State constitution and laws.101 Thirdly, China's State constitution and laws provide minority communities with special protection of the material bases of their cultures and lifestyles.102 Clearly, Chinese minority law tries to differentiate itself from the current individualist international human rights conventions by striking a balance between collective rights and individual rights so that the former would not reduce the scope and effectiveness of the latter.41. In addition, China's recent official rhetoric reaffirmed the pluralistic policy of the Chinese government on ethnic minorities' equal status and special rights. In 2009, the Chinese government published a white paper entitled “China's Ethnic Policy and Common Prosperity and Development of All Ethnic Groups” (“the White Paper”), which was written mainly with an international audience in mind.103 The majority of the White Paper was devoted to detailing the enjoyment of the rights set forth in the Chinese constitution and laws. It claimed that “[e]quality among ethnic groups is a cornerstone of China's ethnic policy” and “a constitutional principle of China”.104 It emphasized that “[r]egional ethnic autonomy is a basic policy China adopts to handle problems among its ethnic groups and a fundamental political system for this country”, while, in the meantime, it made it clear that “[e]very ethnic autonomous area is an inseparable part of the country. Organs of self-government in ethnic autonomous areas must follow the leadership of the central government”.10542. Although the laws and policies themselves contain measures ensuring autonomy and equal rights of all ethnic groups, much of the discontent among minorities stems from uneven and incomplete implementation of the laws and policies rather than flaws in the normative framework itself. Critics frequently point out that the implementation of the laws on ethnic minorities' rights has varied greatly across China and under various circumstances. To suggest how Chinese law on minority rights may be improved to address minority claims on the ground, it is useful first to expose its flaws. The following section does not attempt to be exhaustive, and examines a couple of particular problems as illustration. Take the language rights of minorities, for example. Both the 1982 Constitution and the 1984 Law on National Regional Autonomy provide for equal status for languages of 55 minority groups. However, the Chinese government in practice has employed a system that allocates a functional and sub-legal status to a minority language on the basis of ideology, regional power politics (mainly the strategic importance of the minority to national unity and security) and the level of assimilation of the minority into the Han Chinese culture, etc. According to Zhou, the three-tier system which categorizes minorities' writing systems into official, experimental, and unofficial status is based on “a Hobbesian principle of language equality”.106 This deferential treatment of minority languages is determined by higher levels of governments based on the relative strategic importance of minority groups to national security, rather than a set of clearly articulated criteria and participatory and transparent legal processes. It calls into question the equality of legal status for minority languages in practice.43. Another important issue relates to the right of minority people to access to government services in their own languages, a right guaranteed by the 1982 Constitution and the 1984 Law on National Regional Autonomy. Article 21 of the Law mandates that “[w]hile performing its functions, the autonomous agencies of an ethnic autonomous area, in accordance with the regulations on the exercise of autonomy of the area, use the language or languages commonly used in the locality; where several commonly used languages are used for the performance of such functions, the language of the nationality exercising regional autonomy may be used as the main language”.107 However, a high proportion of government officials in autonomous government agencies are Han Chinese who do not speak or understand minority languages. In the late 1990s, they ranged from 40 per cent to 80 per cent in autonomous government agencies at various levels.108 The high proportion of non-minority-language-speaking Han officials has limited autonomous governments' capacity to provide quality services to minority people. To address this deficiency, the law on regional autonomy goes further to encourage government officials to learn and use minority languages and to reward those who can use two or more commonly used local languages. But this provision imposes no mandatory requirement on autonomous governments and officials and is subject to local discretion and availability of resources for training.10944. Another example is the economic development in ethnic minority areas and the livelihoods of minority people. The White Paper proclaims that “[a]dhering to common prosperity and development of all ethnic groups is the fundamental stance of China's ethnic policy.” It notes that “[t]he ethnic minorities led a life full of misery” before the establishment of the People's Republic.110 “When New China was established, the Chinese government made it a basic task to rid all ethnic groups of poverty and enable them to lead a better life. Since the adoption of the reform and opening-up policies in the late 1970s, the State has focused on economic construction, given top priority to development, made increasing efforts and carried out several significant measures to quicken the advance of the ethnic minorities and minority areas.”111 It goes on to list an array of preferential economic and social programs and infrastructure projects in minority territories supported by the central government and various provincial sister governments of the Han areas. As a result, it notes that great achievements in social and economic development have been made in the minority areas, that people's living standards there have markedly improved and that the disparity in living standards has decreased in recent years between minority territories and territories in Eastern China.112 However, the White Paper fails to note that the government calculates few socioeconomic statistics based on ethnicity, but rather only on place of residence. Some foreign critics of China's ethnic policies and practices point out that many of these benefits generated from economic development and explorations of natural resources in China's minority areas are accrued mainly by Han migrants, especially for higher paying technical and senior positions, and do not proportionally benefit local minority communities.113 According to critics, minorities, especially those who live in interior and rural areas, have little impact on these policies and projects. The Chinese government has categorically dismissed such allegations as unfounded.11445. One of the pillars of the central government's approach to raising ethnic tensions and conflicts during the reform era has been the dual emphasis on economic development and national unity. The White Paper has explained the underlining thinking of the approach clearly: “The state is convinced that quickening the economic and social development of minority communities and minority areas is the fundamental solution to China's ethnic issues. Overcoming the difficulties and solving the problems in the minority areas hinges on development.”115 However, the effectiveness of the government's new approach that is preoccupied by economic growth and higher living standards has yet to be proven over a long period of time. As the living standards and education levels of minorities improve, the minorities may aspire to greater autonomy and accountability in public life, better preservation of their culture, languages, a spiritual life free from interference and more control over the use of natural resources in their autonomous regions.46. It is beyond the scope of this article to engage in a detailed analysis of what accounts for ethnic tensions and discontent in China. The following section will offer some suggestions on how to improve China's minority rights legislation and policies, by reference to international experience. Given the political reality in China, my focus will be more on building the legitimacy for China's minority rights regime than on fundamentally reforming constitutional arrangements for national regional autonomy and State–minority relationship and thus lending greater practicality to existing laws and policies for minority rights. As mentioned in the previous sections, the past three decades have seen substantial governmental efforts to replace assimilation policies with pluralistic laws and policies for ethnic minority areas and individuals. Although various affirmative actions have been adopted as the main tool to narrow the economic and social gap between Han and minority people and head off minority discontent and even ethnic conflicts, the long-term effectiveness of these measures remains to be seen. In light of State–minority practices elsewhere as well as changing conditions in China, it is essential for China to develop policies and measures that protect the identity rights of minority people while simultaneously allowing for the integration and full participation of all groups and individuals in public life. These objectives will not be easy to realize in practice, as the problems affecting State–minority relationship are determined as much by the policies of the State as by the claims and demands of minorities.47. In the process of developing effective approaches and choosing between (or finding the right mix of) policies that emphasize accommodation or support integration, China may take measures to improve its laws and policies for minority rights. Firstly, China should fully implement existing laws and policies on minority rights and make national regional autonomy real. As previously discussed, laws and policies on minority rights are currently in transition. The 1982 Constitution and the 1984 Law on National Regional Autonomy give minorities a greater framework for autonomy than ever before that would help preserve the unique identity of national minorities, as well as ensure that the members of those groups could receive special treatment in society. By (re)adopting a pluralistic approach to minorities, and by actively addressing minorities' cultural and economic concerns, China has been better served to further its goal of peace and stability in minority regions. International experience has shown that reliance on a formal notion of equality may not effectively address entrenched, systemic discrimination and disparities.116 This will also be true in the case of China where monumental economic, social and even, in some ways, political transformations are taking place at a fast pace. The developments in China in the last three and a half decades have generally been conducive to individual and collective well-being of minorities. Recent developmental policies and projects targeted at minority areas indicate a conscious effort on the part of Chinese leadership to equalize the benefits of growth. Even if only out of pragmatism, the Chinese government can pay closer attention to the manner in which its national autonomous laws and policies are implemented and the ways they may aggravate the marginalization of certain minority persons. Moreover, the issues of regional autonomy and minority rights are often included in a larger set of questions which involves not minorities alone but rather all of the Chinese people. China has a legal system in which courts do not have judicial review power. The national regional autonomy system is inherently difficult to fulfil because the language in the Chinese laws concerning minority rights is often vague and general.117 Local courts are often unable to offer effective judicial remedy to minorities when their rights are violated or not realized, because courts in minority regions have limited power, resources and are subject to local Party control.48. This takes us to the second aspect of China's approach to minority rights that is in need of improvement: to establish effective avenues of expression for minorities to voice their cultural, economic and political concerns and enable them participate in the policy/decision-making processes regarding positive measures by the State to ensure the preservation of special minority culture, religion, language and identity within a larger Chinese identity. In this light, legislation and policy initiatives shall maintain pluralistic respect for the rights of minority people to participate democratically in the deliberative process of governance. At present, in the management of Chinese central–regional relationship, the concept of deliberative governance is in an embryonic stage only.118 As key decisions on autonomous arrangements, resource allocations, investment approvals, central subsidies and personnel appointment of senior officials are made by a small central leading group in the central government, critics say that autonomous areas are actually subject only to the wills of authorities of the central government dominated by the Han.119 Moreover, due to the lack of deliberative participation of minorities in governance and the national unity imperatives of minority policy, current efforts by the central authorities to win minority loyalty may serve to entrench policy choices and approaches that have the potential to further marginalize minority nationalities and galvanize minority demands for real autonomy.120Therefore, it is suggested that the central government consider introducing elements of deliberative democracy into decision/policy-making processes. In addition to affirmative actions by the State, in the form of preferential treatment in minorities' favour, it is useful to undertake an extensive outreach effort by the central and local governments to include minority stakeholders in decision-makings. It should extensively document dissent, grounds for dissent, and future predictions of consequences of actions. In return, minorities could consider deliberative procedure as the source of legitimacy and structure their autonomy such that deliberation is the deciding factor in the creation of the institutions and the institutions allow deliberation to continue.49. The third area where China can make an improvement relates to the challenges of how China brings its minority policy and practice into closer conformity with international human rights law and how China can draw on international experience in dealing with claims by ethnic minorities ranging from the right to existence, equality, non-discrimination to group cultural identity, autonomy and power-sharing arrangements and self-determination. China is now the second largest economy in the world and is poised to become the largest, overtaking the United States, by the end of 2016 according to the prediction by Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).121 China's role as an engine of the global economy and a “leader State” in the world community has become increasingly established.122 Nowadays, China is one of the world's top exporters and is attracting record amounts of foreign investment. In turn, it is investing billions of dollars abroad. As a member of the World Trade Organization, China is bound by the rule-based world trading system and has greatly benefited from access to foreign markets.123 Meanwhile, as previously discussed, China is a party to many international human rights treaties and is bound by those international standards relating to minority rights. In 2012, President Xi Jinping reassured that “China [would be] following a path of peaceful development” and would continue to open up to the world.124 Xi said that China remains a developing country facing a series of grim challenges and problems in spite of great progress that has been achieved. He pledged that “[t]he Chinese people … are ready to learn from the achievements of all other cultures to make up for our own deficiencies.”125 This may suggest a degree of parallelism with the expanded application of international law to China's relations with minorities, which is aimed more at building the legitimacy for central government policies than at reforming existing State–minority systems. In that spirit, China could develop a coherent political and legal approach to ethnic conflict and claims of its minority groups, drawing on international human rights standards and different ways and means effectively applied by international actors and States. While the main international legal instruments do not prescribe any particular model dealing with claims of ethnic groups, China can benefit from existing international experience that protects the identity rights of minority communities while simultaneously allowing for the integration and full participation of all groups and individuals in public life. In an effort to balance conflicting rights and interests relating to minorities, many plural societies have attempted to devise various laws, policies and measures, which often result in pragmatic approaches of mixing law and politics that have successfully solved their particular problems at hand. China could learn and benefit from these experiences. At the same time, the application of human rights standards can better protect the rights of minorities, prevent assimilation of minorities against their will, and help determine where a given policy falls along an accommodation-assimilation spectrum. By adopting and fulfilling minority rights, including opportunities for ethnic minorities to participate in decision-making processes and extensive protection guarantees, the Chinese State and society can become more stable and less prone to discontent and conflict, to the benefit of both the State and minority groups and individuals. VII. Conclusion

50. Ethnic tensions and unrest in China have emerged as a subject of policy debate, academic research and attention in the last three decades. To understand in full the complexity and dynamics of ethnic minority rights in China, this article has examined regional autonomy in China's ethnic minority areas and its implications for minority rights in China. It has noted that, after three decades of policy vacillation between pluralism and forced assimilationism, the present Chinese government claims to have established a comprehensive legal system that warrants equal rights for all nationalities and regional autonomy for national minorities. The 1982 Constitution and the Law on National Regional Autonomy of 1984 have granted national minorities the most pluralistic rights in comparison with any of the previous legislation. The loosening of political and economic restrictions and the return to pluralistic policies leads to a revival of nationalist consciousness in many parts of the minority areas. Ethnic issues have increasingly become a source of dissatisfaction, conflict and even violence in recent years.51. The PRC nationality policy since the 1980s has undoubtedly been an improvement over those of the previous periods. The new policy represents a return to a philosophy of pluralism, which acknowledges the distinctiveness of national minorities and shows a higher degree of tolerance for political, social and cultural diversity. The 1984 Constitution and laws guarantee that national minorities have the right to self-government and enjoy certain preferential rights over the Han majority. However, due to uneven implementation of laws and central policies, minorities' legal rights have yet to be fully achieved in reality.52. At present, the Chinese government mainly uses preferential rights and policies as the main tool in narrowing the economic and social gaps between Han and minority people, hoping to convince minority people that they will benefit more from integration and co-operation within the multi-ethnic Chinese nation. When increasing disparities and relative under-development have sparked discontent, protest and unrest, it is the State's own interest in security and stability that underpins preferential policies and projects. The sporadic unrest characterizing some minority regions in the past three decades indicate that, even if economic benefits of preferential policies do trickle down into minority communities, bitterness towards Han dominance may still emerge if the fruits of economic development accrue asymmetrically in favour of the Han. Moreover, if basic decisions on central fiscal allowance, special subsidies, resource allocations, project approvals and regulatory arrangements are made by the central government and its subordinate local branches, minority may still feel that they themselves have little representation, let alone control, over the resulting economic projects and activities.53. The contradiction inherent in the current set of policies and laws that promotes both integration and autonomy was a dilemma. No new model for solving all of the minority issues is likely to emerge, given the complexity of the various stakeholders and societal elements involved. China's national regional autonomy system will remain in the foreseeable future, however laden with new functions that will have to change its top-down and rough-edged fashion. For the State, it will be expected to maintain preferential treatment for minority individuals in education, career training and family planning, respect cultural and religious diversities, and improve the quality of life of minority communities by way of providing central subsidies and investing in local economies.126 It will continue to promise equality to minorities, but only to be equally Chinese within the unified Chinese multi-national State.54. In light of past State–minority relations as well as changing conditions in China and by reference to international experience, this article offers some suggestions for China to improve minority rights legislation and policies. It argues for a new set of measures which encompasses three aspects: (1) fully implement existing laws and policies on minority rights and make national regional autonomy real; (2) introduce elements of deliberative democracy into decision/policy-making processes and undertake an extensive outreach effort to include minority stakeholders in decisions; (3) bring its minority policy and practice into closer conformity with international human rights law and draw on international experience in dealing with claims by ethnic minorities. It is hoped that these measures could enhance respect for minority identities and provide the means of establishing their respective autonomies and realizing their special rights through a deliberative process. The measures should focus as much on the process as on the decisions, on the voices as on the results and on the individuals as on the groups. In this way, China's national regional autonomy is oriented towards a complete policy of commitment to pluralistic values within the Chinese polity, which is more likely to satisfy the minority aspirations and the State's need for national stability and unity.1Key Data of the Sixth National Census (2011, in Chinese) (http://www.stats.gov.cn/ztjc/zdtjgz/zgrkpc/dlcrkpc/dcrkpcyw/201104/t20110428_69407.htm). See also Information Office of the State Council of the People's Republic of China, China's Ethnic Policy and Common Prosperity and Development of All Ethnic Groups, 9 Chinese JIL (2010), 221 (hereinafter “the White Paper”).2See generally Barry Sautman, Scaling Back Minority Rights?: The Debate About China's Ethnic Policies, 46 Stanford JIL (2010), 51; Randall Peerenboom, China Stands Up: 100 Years of Humiliation, Sovereignty Concerns, and Resistance to Foreign Pressure on PRC Courts, 24 Emory Int'l L. Rev. (2010), 657; Susan K. McCarthy, A New Era of Development?: The State, Minorities, and Dilemmas of Development in Contemporary China, 26 Fletcher F. World Aff. (2002), 104; Pitman B. Potter, Governance of China's Periphery: Balancing Local Autonomy and National Unity, 19 Colum. J. Asian L. (2005), 294; Michael C. Davis, Establishing a Workable Autonomy in Tibet, 30 Human Rights Q. (2008), 227.3The White Paper, above n.1, 222.4Ibid. See also Data of the Fifth National Census (2000) (http://www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/ndsj/renkoupucha/2000pucha/pucha.htm).5See Joseph C.F. Wang, Contemporary Chinese Politics: An Introduction (5th edn. 1995), 163.6See Dru C. Gladney, Ethnic Identity in China: The New Politics of Difference, in: William A. Joseph (ed.), China Briefing 1994 (1994), 171, 174.7See H. Seivwert, On the Religions of National Minorities in the Context of China's Religious History, in: Thomas Heberer (ed.), Ethnic Minorities in China: Tradition and Transform (1987), 41.8See Thomas Heberer, China and Its National Minorities: Autonomy or Assimilation? (1989), 17.9More than eight thousand separate groups were documented in Chinese historical records over a period of almost three thousand years. See June T. Dreyer, China's Forty Millions (1976), 7.10Ibid.,17–18.11Ibid., 18.12See Ying-Shih Yu, Trade and Expansion in Han China (1967), 396.13See generally Mark Mancall, The Ch'ing Tribute System: An Interpretive Essay, in: John K. Fairbank (ed.), The Chinese World Order: Traditional China's Foreign Relations (1968), 63; Hae Jong Chun, Sino-Korean Tributary Relations in the Ch'ing Period, in Fairbank, in: John K. Fairbank (ed.), The Chinese World Order, 90; Truong Buu Lam, Intervention Versus Tribute in Sino-Vietnamese Relations, 1788-1790, in: John K. Fairbank (ed.), The Chinese World Order, 165; Chusei Suzuki, China's Relations with Inner Asia: The Hsiung-Nu, Tibet, in: John K. Fairbank, The Chinese World Order, 180.14François Thierry, Empire and Minority in China, in: Gerard Chaliand (ed.), Minority Peoples in the Age of Nation-States (1989), 76, 78.15For instance, the Han Chinese even in ancient time seemed to have indulged in comparing barbarians with all kinds of animals.16The Han Chinese are by no means one-way carriers of a superior culture. There are numerous historical examples of mutual cultural enrichment between the Han and non-Han Chinese. Mackerras disputes that “while it is true that China contributed a good deal more in terms of culture to the minorities than the other way around, the influences were by no means all in one direction.” Colin Mackerras, China's Minorities: Integration and Modernization in the Twentieth Century (1994), 24.17George Anastaplo, But Not Philosophy: Seven Introductions to Non-Western Thought (2002) Chapter Four: Confucian Thought: The Analects, 99, 116.18See June T. Dreyer, above n.9, 9–10.19Ibid., 12–13.20Ibid., 16.21In his “Race and Population”, Dr. Sun said that: Although there are a little over ten millions of non-Chinese in China, including Mongols, Manchus, Tibetans, and Tartars [Turks], their number is small compared with the purely Chinese population, four hundred million in number, which has a common racial heredity, common religion, and common tradition and customs. It is one nationality.Sun Yat-sen, Race and Population, in: Leonard Shihlien Hsu, Sun Yat-sen: His Political and Social Ideals (1933), 168.22Sun Yat-sen, Memoirs of a Chinese Revolutionary (1953), 180 (cited in June T. Dreyer, above n.9, 16).23Dreyer noted that Dr. Sun, “more orator than logician, never bothered to reconcile these two sets of views,” namely his early assiminationist views on China's ethnic composition and the concepts of self-determination and autonomy. June T. Dreyer, above n.9, 17.24Chiang Kai-shek, China's Destiny, trans. Wang Chung-hui (1947), 12–13. See also June T. Dreyer, above n.9, 17.25For an extensive analysis of the Nationalist government record with respect to the treatment of minorities, see June T. Dreyer, above n.9, 18–41. See also Colin Mackerras, above n.16, 49–72.26See June T. Dreyer, above n.9, 63.27See Manifesto of the Second Party Congress (July 1922), in: Tony Saich, The Rise to Power of the Chinese Communist Party (1996), 40, 40.28Ibid., 42.29See June T. Dreyer, above n.9, 63–64; Colin Mackerras, above n.16, 72–73.30Conrad Brandt, Benjamin Isadore Schwartz and John King Fairbank, A Documentary History of Chinese Communism (1952), 219.31See June T. Dreyer, above n.9, 64.32At the Zunyi Conference of 1935, Mao Zedong defeated his political rivals and came to power as the new chairman of the Politburo. He was challenged but never ousted from the Party leadership from then on. See Franz Michael, China through the Ages: History of a Civilization (1986), 210–211.33See June T. Dreyer, above n.9, 67.34See Colin Mackerras, above n.16, 103–104; June T. Dreyer, above n.9, 79–82.35The Constitution of the People's Republic of China (1954), art. 1 (hereinafter “the 1954 Constitution”).36The Common Program provided that: Article 9: All nationalities within the boundaries of the People's Republic of China shall have equal rights and duties.Article 50: All nationalities within the boundaries of the People's Republic of China are equal. They shall establish unity and mutual aid among themselves, and shall oppose imperialism and their own public enemies, so that the People's Republic of China will become a big fraternal and cooperative family composed of all its nationalities. Nationalism and chauvinism shall be opposed. Acts involving discrimination, oppression, and disrupting the unity of the various nationalities shall be prohibited.Article 51: Regional autonomy shall be exercised in areas where national minorities are concentrated, and various kinds of autonomous organizations for the different nationalities shall be set up according to the size of the respective peoples and regions. In places where different nationalities live together and in the autonomous areas of the national minorities, the different nationalities shall each have an appropriate number of representatives in the local organs of state power.Article 53: All national minorities shall have freedom to develop their spoken and written languages, to preserve or reform their traditions, customs, and religious beliefs. The people's government shall assist the masses of all national minorities in their political, economic, cultural, and educational development.Common Program of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, 29 September 1949, in: T.H.C. Chen (ed.), The Chinese Communist Regime: Documents and Commentary (1967), 34. For a general account of China's national regional autonomy, see Barry Sautman, above n.2, 58–63.37The 1954 Constitution, above n.35, 9.38Jiancheng He, China's Policy on Nationalities, in: Dae-Sook Suh and Edward Shultz (eds.), Koreans in China (1990), 6.39Ibid., 7.40Ibid.41See Zhou Enlai, Some Questions on Policy Towards Nationalities, Beijing Review (3 March 1980), 22.42See Jiancheng He, above n.38, 7.43See Chae-jun Lee, The Political Participation of Koreans in China, in: Dae-Sook Suh and Edward Shultz, above n.38, 93; Colin Meckerras, above n.16, 147.44Zhou Enlai, above n.41, 22.45See Joseph C.F. Wang, above n.5, 163–164.46See Colin Mackerras, above n.16, 146–148.47Ibid., 150–153.48Ibid.49Ibid.50Ibid.51Ibid., 153–155.52See June T. Dreyer, China's Political System: Modernization and Tradition (1993), 377.53The PRC's policy toward Taiwan shifted towards inducing Taiwan's peaceful reunification with the mainland after the establishment of diplomatic relations with the United States in 1979, although the PRC government has repeatedly refused to renounce the use of military force to achieve national reunification. However, by the mid-1980s, the issues of Hong Kong and Macao came to the fore.54See June T. Dreyer, above n.52, 377.55See Thomas Heberer, above n.7, 41–42; Colin Mackerras, above n.16, 153–154.56Ibid.57See Thomas Heberer, New Aspects of Autonomy Legislation in the People's Republic of China, in Thomas Heberer, above n.7, 27.58The Constitution of the People's Republic of China (1982), art 4 (http://english.people.com.cn/constitution/constitution.html) (hereinafter “the 1982 Constitution”) provides that: All nationalities in the People's Republic of China are equal. The state protects the lawful rights and interests of the minority nationalities and upholds and develops the relationship of equality, unity and mutual assistance among all of China's nationalities. Discrimination against and oppression of any nationality are prohibited; any acts that undermine the unity of the nationalities or instigate their secession are prohibited. The state helps the areas inhabited by minority nationalities speed up their economic and cultural development in accordance with the peculiarities and needs of the different minority nationalities. Regional autonomy is practised in areas where people of minority nationalities live in compact communities; in these areas organs of self-government are established for the exercise of the right of autonomy. All the national autonomous areas are inalienable parts of the People's Republic of China. The people of all nationalities have the freedom to use and develop their own spoken and written languages, and to preserve or reform their own ways and customs.59Ibid., arts. 113 and 114.60Ibid., art. 115.61Ibid., art. 116.62Ibid., art. 117.63Ibid., art. 122.64Ibid., art. 134.65Ibid., arts. 4 and 121.66See the Law on Regional National Autonomy of the People's Republic of China (http://www.china.org.cn/english/government/207138.htm) (hereinafter “PRC Law on Regional National Autonomy”).67See Thomas Heberer, above n.7, 28–33.68See PRC Law on Regional National Autonomy, above n.66.69See June T. Dreyer, above n.52, 381.70The figure did not necessarily represent natural increase of the Manchus population. See Dru C. Gladney, above n.6, 172–173, 186.71See June T. Dreyer, above n.52, 382.72See ibid., 186–188; Thomas Heberer, above n.7, 37–39.73The White Paper, above n.1, 228–229.74Ibid., 256–259.75During the past three decades, demonstrations and violent disturbances rooted in minority dissatisfaction, local nationalism and ethnic tensions are known to have occurred in Xinjiang, Yunnan and Inner Mongolia, in addition to the well-known case of Tibet. See Colin Mackerras, above n.16, 159–164.76See Javaid Rehman, The Weaknesses in the International Protection of Minority Rights (2000), 32–33.77See James D. Wilets, The Demise of the Nation-State: Towards a New Theory of the State Under International Law, 17 Berkeley JIL (1999), 193, 204–206; Andras B. Baka, The European Convention on Human Rights and the Protection of Minorities under International Law, 8 Conn. JIL (1993), 228–230.78The UN Charter, art. 1 (http://www.un.org/en/documents/charter/) reads: The Purposes of the United Nations are: … 2. To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace; 3. To achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion; … .79Ibid., chapter 9.80The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, G.A. Res. 217A, at 71, U.N. GAOR, 3d Sess., 183d plen. mtg., U.N. Doc. A/810 (10 December 1948).81See Ian Brownlie, Principles of Public International Law (5th edn. 1998), 575 (commenting on the influence of the UDHR).82See Warwick McKean, Equality and Discrimination under International Law, (1983), 53.83International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Dec. 19, 1966, S. Exec. Doc. E, 95-2, 999 U.N.T.S. 171.84International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 16 December 1966, 993 U.N.T.S. 3.85ICCPR, above n.83, art. 27.86Some scholars have a different view on the effectiveness of art. 27 in protecting group rights. See e.g. Natan Lerner, Religious and Legal Pluralism in Comparative Theoretical Perspective: Group Rights and Legal Pluralism, 25 Emory Int'l L. Rev. 829 (2011), 829, 830–832 (claiming that “[t]he 1966 Covenants followed the line of the UN Charter and downplayed the group dimension. Article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (‘ICCPR’) is considered a timid and reluctant recognition of rights emanating from the existence of collective entities”).87Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities, G.A. Res. 47/135, Annex, U.N. GAOR, 47th Sess. Supp. No. 49 (Vol. I), U.N. Doc. A/47/49 (Vol. 1), at 210 (18 December 1992).88Ibid., art. 1.89See Eric Engle, Universal Human Rights: A Generational History, 12 Ann. Surv. Int'l & Comp. L. (2006), 260-62.90See Dwight G. Newman, Theorizing Collective Indigenous Rights, 31 Am. Indian L. Rev. (2007), 278.91Tina Kempin Reuter, Dealing with Claims of Ethnic Minorities in International Law, 24 Conn. JIL 201 (2009), 203.92See Javaid Rehman, above n.76, 4.93See Harold Hongju Koh, How Is International Human Rights Law Enforced? 74 Indiana L.J. 1397 (1999), 1397. See generally Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Human Rights Bodies (http://www.ohchr.org/en/hrbodies/Pages/HumanRightsBodies.aspx); Jack Donnelly, 40(3) International Organization (1986), 599; Michael van Alstine, The Universal Declaration and Developments in the Enforcement of International Human Rights in Domestic Law, 24 Maryland JIL (2009), 63.94China has ratified the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, opened for signature 10 December 1984, G.A. Res. 46, U.N. GAOR, 39th Sess., Supp. No. 51, at 197, U.N. Doc. A/39/51 (1985), 23 I.L.M. 1027, as modified, 24 I.L.M. 535 (ratified by the PRC 4 October 1988; reservations: art. 20, art. 30(1)); Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, opened for signature 1 March 1980, 1249 U.N.T.S. 14, 19 I.L.M. 33 (ratified by the PRC 4 November 1980; reservation: art. 29(1)); International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid, opened for signature 30 November 1973, 1015 U.N.T.S. 243 (ratified by China 18 April 1983; reservation: none); Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, opened for signature 31 January 1967, 19 U.S.T. 6223, 606 U.N.T.S. 267 (ratified by the PRC 24 September 1982; reservation: art. 4); International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, opened for signature 21 December 1965, 660 U.N.T.S. 195 (ratified by the PRC 29 December 1981; reservation: art. 22); and Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, opened for signature 9 December 1948, 78 U.N.T.S. 277 (ratified by the PRC 18 April 1983; reservation: art. 9).95The ICESCR became binding on China on 27 March 2001. See http://treaties.un.org/Pages/ViewDetails.aspx?src=TREATY&mtdsg_no=IV-3&chapter=4&lang=en#6.96See Edward Xiaohui Wu, Human Rights: China's Historical Perspectives in Context, 4 J. of the History of Int'l L. (2002), 335, 353.97Ibid., 351–354.98The 1984 Constitution and the Law provide for internal self-determination, which means that minorities in China have the right to participate in the constitutional system of China, without the right to secede. In other words, the enjoyment of the autonomous rights is contingent upon minorities' acceptance of the national autonomy system, whose scope and contents are determined by the State Constitution and laws.99Bai Guimei, The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Chinese Law on the Protection of the Rights of Minority Nationalities, 3 Chinese JIL (2004), 441, 468 (noting that “[t]he existing Chinese nationalities laws do not conflict with article 27 of the ICCPR. Furthermore, they provide more comprehensive protections than those under the ICCPR.”).100The 1982 Constitution, above n.58, art. 4 provides that: All nationalities in the People's Republic of China are equal. The state protects the lawful rights and interests of the minority nationalities and upholds and develops the relationship of equality, unity and mutual assistance among all of China's nationalities. Discrimination against and oppression of any nationality are prohibited; any acts that undermine the unity of the nationalities or instigate their secession are prohibited. The state helps the areas inhabited by minority nationalities speed up their economic and cultural development in accordance with the peculiarities and needs of the different minority nationalities.101Ibid., above n.58, art. 4 also provides that: Regional autonomy is practised in areas where people of minority nationalities live in compact communities; in these areas organs of self-government are established for the exercise of the right of autonomy. All the national autonomous areas are inalienable parts of the People's Republic of China. The people of all nationalities have the freedom to use and develop their own spoken and written languages, and to preserve or reform their own ways and customs.102Ibid., art. 122 states that: The state gives financial, material and technical assistance to the minority nationalities to accelerate their economic and cultural development. The state helps the national autonomous areas train large numbers of cadres at different levels and specialized personnel and skilled workers of different professions and trades from among the nationality or nationalities in those areas.The Law of the People's Republic of China on National Regional Autonomy, art. 28 (http://www.cecc.gov/pages/virtualAcad/index.phpd?showsingle=9507), states that: In accordance with legal stipulations, autonomous agencies in ethnic autonomous areas manage and protect the natural resources of these areas. In accordance with legal stipulations and unified state plans, autonomous agencies in ethnic autonomous areas may give priority to the rational exploitation and utilization of the natural resources that the local authorities are entitled to develop.103The White Paper, above n.1.104Ibid., paras.17 and 18. The White Paper even went length to define what “full equality” means in the Chinese legal system: In China, the definition of full equality among ethnic groups includes three aspects: first, regardless of their population size, length of history, area of residence, level of economic and social development, differences in spoken and written languages, religious beliefs, folkways and customs, every ethnic group has equal political status; second, all ethnic groups in China have not only political and legal equality, but also economic, cultural and social equality; third, citizens of all ethnic groups are equal before the law, enjoying the same rights and performing the same duties. (para.19)105Ibid., paras.29 and 31.106See Minglang Zhou, Minority Language Policy in China: Equality in Theory and Inequality in Practice, in: Minglang Zhou (ed.), Language Policy in the People's Republic of China: Theory and Practice Since 1949 (2004), 71, 81–84.107PRC Law on Regional National Autonomy, above n.102, art. 21.108See Minglang Zhou, above n.106, 87.109The 1982 Constitution, above n.58, art. 49 provides that: Autonomous agencies of an ethnic autonomous area persuade and encourage cadres of the various nationalities to learn each other's spoken and written languages. Cadres of Han nationality will learn the spoken and written languages of the local minority nationalities. While learning and using the spoken and written languages of their own nationalities, cadres of minority nationalities should also learn the spoken and written Chinese language commonly used throughout the country. Awards should be given to state functionaries in ethnic autonomous areas who can use skillfully two or more spoken or written languages that are commonly used in the locality.110The White Paper, above n.1, para.40.111Ibid., para.41.112Ibid., paras.42–59.113See Susan K. McCarthy, A New Era of Development?: The State, Minorities, and Dilemmas of Development in Contemporary China, 26 Fletcher F. World Aff. (2002), 104; Randall Peerenboom, above n.2, 659–661; Susan K. McCarthy, above n.2 104–117.114The White Paper, above n.1, paras.44–45, claims that: [s]ince 2000, when China introduced the strategy of large-scale development of its western regions, the state has made it a top task to accelerate the development of the ethnic minorities and minority areas … . The “Develop the West” campaign has brought about visible profits to the minority areas.Compare with: [The West Development Strategy's] official development goals are undermined by three unspoken but overarching objectives—resource extraction from the borderlands to benefit the coast, assimilation of local ethnic minority groups through Han Chinese population transfers to the autonomous areas, and the alternate purpose of infrastructure development for military use.China: Minority Exclusion, Marginalization and Rising Tensions, A report by Human Rights in China and Commissioned by Minority Rights Group International, 25 April 2007, 22–25 (http://hrichina.org/sites/default/files/oldsite/PDFs/MRG-HRIC.China.Report.pdf).115The White Paper, above n.1, para.27 (emphasis added).116See Kelley Loper, Substantive Equality in International Human Rights Law and its Relevance for the Resolution of Tibetan Autonomy Claims, 37 N.C.J. Int'l L. & Com. Reg. (2011), 1.117See Arthur Rosett, Legal Structures for Special Treatment of Minorities in the People's Republic of China, 66 Notre Dame L. Rev. (1991), 1503, 1518–1520.118See John Fitzgerald, Reports of My Death Have Been Greatly Exaggerated: The History of the Death of China, in: David S.G. Goodman and Gerald Segal (eds.), China Deconstructs: Politics, Trade and Regionalism (1994), 21; Lincoln Kaye, The Grip Slips, Far Eastern Economic Review (11 May 1995), 18; Gerald Segal, China's Changing Shape, 73 Foreign Affairs (1994), 43; Arthur Waldron, Warlordism versus Federalism: The Revival of a Debate? 121 The China Quarterly (1990), 117.119See Chien-peng Chung, Confronting Terrorism and Other Evils in China: All Quiet on the Western Front? 4 The China and Eurasia Forum Quarterly (May 2006), 75, 78–80, 84–87.120See June Teufel Dreyer, China's Vulnerability to Minority Separatism, 32 Asian Affairs: an American Review (2005), 69, 81–84.121World Bank, China Overview (http://www.worldbank.org/en/country/china/overview); Justin McCurry and Julia Kollewe, China Overtakes Japan as World's Second-largest Economy, The Guardian, 14 February 2011 (http://www.guardian.co.uk/business/2011/feb/14/china-second-largest-economy); Josephine Moulds, China's Economy to Overtake US in Next Four Years, Says OECD, The Guardian, 9 November 2012 (http://www.guardian.co.uk/business/2012/nov/09/china-overtake-us-four-years-oecd).122For a discussion of the role of international law and China as a “leader State”, see Sienho Yee, Towards a Harmonious World: The Roles of the International Law of Co-progressiveness and Leader States, 7 Chinese JIL (2008), 99.123Xiaohui Wu, No Longer Outside, Not Yet Equal: Rethinking China's Membership in the World Trade Organization, 10 Chinese JIL 227 (2011), 227.124Zhuang Pinghui, China's Rise is Peaceful, Xi Jinping Tells Foreign Experts, South China Morning Post, 6 December 2012 (http://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/1098533/chinas-rise-peaceful-xi-jinping-tells-foreign-experts).125Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the PRC, Xi Jinping Holds Discussion Meeting with Foreign Experts, 5 December 2012 (http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx/t996718.htm).126See generally the White Paper, above n.1.

Author notes

*Member of the Chinese Society of International Law, Beijing; S.J.D., University of Toronto; formerly Team Leader of the Rule of Law and Democracy Team at the United Nations Development Programme China Office. The paper was completed on 12 February 2014. Unless otherwise stated, the websites referenced were last accessed on the date that the paper was completed.© The Author 2014. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved

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Ethnicity and Minority Nationalities Since 1949 - Chinese Studies - Oxford Bibliographies

Ethnicity and Minority Nationalities Since 1949 - Chinese Studies - Oxford Bibliographies

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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Ethnicity and Minority Nationalities Since 1949

IntroductionGeneral OverviewsSingle-Authored VolumesEdited or Multiauthored VolumesReference Works, Text Material, and AnthologiesJournalsTheory of EthnicityEconomy and Law among Minority NationalitiesLanguage, Education, Culture among Ethnic MinoritiesParticular Minorities or Minority AreasTheories of Ethnicity Relevant to Specific Ethnic Groups or RegionsEconomy and TourismSociety and CultureBooks Combining Tibet and XinjiangTibet and the TibetansHistoriesEdited BooksBibliographiesBiographies and AutobiographiesEducation, Gender, ReligionProtest and Other TopicsXinjiang and the UighursHistories and OverviewsEducation, Culture, and Other Specific Topics

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Ethnicity and Minority Nationalities Since 1949

byColin MackerrasLAST REVIEWED: 08 June 2017LAST MODIFIED: 24 July 2018DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199920082-0012

IntroductionThis article covers works about ethnicity in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and minority nationalities since 1949 with an emphasis on the reform period since 1978. The Chinese state still follows Joseph Stalin’s definition of an ethnic group (Ch. minzu 民族), given in 1913, as “a historically constituted community of people, having a common territory, a common language, a common economic life and a common psychological makeup which expresses itself in a common culture” (Stalin, “Marxism and the National Question,” in Works, Vol. 2 [Moscow: Foreign Languages, 1953], p. 307). Under this definition, the Chinese state recognizes fifty-six ethnic groups in China—the majority Han and fifty-five minority nationalities (shaoshu minzu 少数民族, often also translated “ethnic minorities”). According to the 2010 census, which included only the mainland of China, not Hong Kong, Macao, or Taiwan, 8.49 percent of China’s population belonged to the fifty-five minorities, a total of 113,792,211 persons, while the Han were 91.51 percent. Although the minorities are thus only a small proportion of China’s total population, the territory they inhabit is about 60 percent of the mainland and includes most of the border areas, some of them extremely sensitive. For this reason, they are politically and strategically much more important than their numbers might suggest. Many of the minorities are quite similar to the Han in language and culture, but others are quite different both from the Han and from one another. Most speak Sino-Tibetan languages, which are thus related to Chinese, but others speak Altaic (including Turkic) languages, and a few speak languages belonging to other families. In terms of religion, the minorities are also very diverse, with the best-known internationally being Islam and the characteristic Buddhism of the Tibetans. As China has strengthened over the past decades, the issue of ethnic identity has become more important, while the Chinese state has insisted on its own territorial integrity and thus resisted all separatist movements with all the force at its command. The members of most minority nationalities are quite willing to integrate or even assimilate with the dominant Han and with the Chinese state. However, others have seen strong resistance movements; the outstanding examples are the Tibetans and the Uighurs, the latter being Muslims and Turkic. (This ethnonym is also spelled Uyghurs or Uygurs, but for consistency’s sake this article adopts the spelling “Uighurs” except in titles of works, in which case the original spelling is preserved.) Disturbances among these two ethnic groups have occurred periodically and, especially in the case of the Tibetans, they have created an international issue that bears not only on human rights but even on the status of Tibet.General OverviewsThe 1950s and 1960s saw the publication in China of numerous ethnographies and histories of ethnic minorities, almost all with the main focus on social and economic formations or pre-1949 history. Though based exclusively on the framework imposed by Joseph Stalin’s definition cited in the Introduction, the information they provided was extraordinarily rich and useful at a time when field research by Western scholars was all but impossible. There was also extensive work undertaken to identify the various ethnic minorities and their characteristics. Chinese ethnological scholarship was totally interrupted by the Cultural Revolution (from 1966 to 1976), but it became even more voluminous in the 1980s than it had been in the 1950s and 1960s, persisting into the 1990s and the 21st century. However, during the 1980s it became possible for non-Chinese scholars, especially anthropologists, not only to travel in the minority areas but also to carry out fieldwork there. Some of the literature deals with specific ethnic minorities, but there are also works considering some or all of the fifty-five recognized ethnic minorities as a collective whole. A very popular theme is the emergence of ethnic identity. Relations between ethnic minorities and the Han have changed greatly since reform, with ethnic identity and globalization pointing in opposite directions. Two ethnic groups that attract a substantial literature stemming from various factors, including strengthened ethnic identity and periodic disturbances aiming at independence or greater autonomy, are the Tibetans and the Uighurs, who, however, are also frequently considered in general works.

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Mao Zedong

Marketing System in Pre-Modern China, The

Marxist Thought in China

Material Culture

May Fourth Movement

Media Representation of Contemporary China, International

Medicine, Traditional Chinese

Medieval Economic Revolution

Mencius

Middle-Period China

Migration Under Economic Reform

Ming and Qing Drama

Ming Dynasty

Ming Poetry 1368–1521: Era of Archaism

Ming Poetry 1522–1644: New Literary Traditions

Ming-Qing Fiction

Modern Chinese Drama

Modern Chinese Poetry

Modernism and Postmodernism in Chinese Literature

Mohism

Museums

Music in China

Needham Question, The

Neo-Confucianism

Neolithic Cultures in China

New Social Classes, 1895–1949

One Country, Two Systems

Opium Trade

Orientalism, China and

Palace Architecture in Premodern China (Ming-Qing)

Paleography

People’s Liberation Army (PLA), The

Philology and Science in Imperial China

Poetics, Chinese-Western Comparative

Poetry, Early Medieval

Poetry, Traditional Chinese

Political Art and Posters

Political Dissent

Political Thought, Modern Chinese

Polo, Marco

Popular Music in the Sinophone World

Population Dynamics in Pre-Modern China

Population Structure and Dynamics since 1949

Porcelain Production

Post-Collective Agriculture

Poverty and Living Standards since 1949

Printing and Book Culture

Prose, Traditional

Qi Baishi

Qing Dynasty up to 1840

Regional and Global Security, China and

Religion, Ancient Chinese

Renminbi, The

Republican China, 1911-1949

Revolutionary Literature under Mao

Rural Society in Contemporary China

School of Names

Shanghai

Silk Roads, The

Sino-Hellenic Studies, Comparative Studies of Early China ...

Sino-Japanese Relations Since 1945

Social Welfare in China

Sociolinguistic Aspects of the Chinese Language

Su Shi (Su Dongpo)

Sun Yat-sen and the 1911 Revolution

Taiping Civil War

Taiwanese Democracy

Technology Transfer in China

Television, Chinese

Terracotta Warriors, The

Tertiary Education in Contemporary China

Texts in Pre-Modern East and South-East Asia, Chinese

The Economy, 1949–1978

The Shijing詩經 (Classic of Poetry; Book of Odes)

Township and Village Enterprises

Traditional Historiography

Transnational Chinese Cinemas

Tribute System, The

Unequal Treaties and the Treaty Ports, The

United States-China Relations, 1949-present

Urban Change and Modernity

Uyghurs

Vernacular Language Movement

Village Society in the Early Twentieth Century

Warlords, The

Water Management

Women Poets and Authors in Late Imperial China

Xi, Jinping

Xunzi

Yan'an and the Revolutionary Base Areas

Yuan Dynasty

Yuan Dynasty Poetry

Zhu Xi

Down

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